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| | | Alexander III of Philip II of Amyntas III|King|King of Macedonia | | | | |
| | | birt: Jul 0356 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece|Alexander by Plutarch|75 AD|ALEXANDER|356-323 B.C.|by Plutarch|translated by John Dryden|ALEXANDER -|IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey w|as destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I were to bl|ame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen rather to epitomi|ze the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on every particular circ|umstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives.|...|(http://www.4literature.net/Plutarch/Alexander/)|Sacred Texts <../../index.htm> Judaism <../index.htm> Index Previous Next ||p. 8|ALEXANDER OF MACEDON|THE great conqueror Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who, at the instigation of t|he Persians, was assassinated by Pisanius, when yet a boy showed great thirst for conquest. W|hen he heard of his father's conquests he wept bitterly, complaining that by the time he assu|med the crown there would be so little for him to conquer. He was barely twenty years old whe|n he ascended the throne, but he knew well how to make his power felt. He soon conquered th|e Thracians, as well as the rebellious Thebans, and his heroic qualities developed so rapidl|y that he was appointed by the Greeks as military chief in their wars against the Persians. U|ninterrupted success followed his arms, and had he not died at a comparatively early age he w|ould probably have conquered what was then known as the whole world. His victory over the Per|sian General Memnon, on the river Granicus, in the North-West of Asia Minor, opened for him t|he road into the interior of further Asia. He was not slow to take advantage of the opportuni|ty, and pushed rapidly through the States of Asia Minor, through Lydia and Ionia to Pamphylia|. In the latter, near Issus, he gained a brilliant victory over Darius the Third, also know|n as Codomanus, who narrowly escaped death, leaving his mother, his wife and his children i|n the hands of the conqueror.|The Macedonian hero, with his troops intoxicated with victory after victory, now entered Syri|a, not so much in pursuit of Darius as with a view to extending|p. 9|his conquests. He took Damascus and Sidon, and attacked Tyre, so as to become master of the s|ea also.|That city, however, being very strongly fortified, and being on one side protected by the sea|, offered a stubborn resistance, and Alexander found himself compelled to embark on a long si|ege. In order to prevent any untoward event during the siege, Alexander was anxious to ensur|e immunity from the neighbouring State.|He therefore sent a message to Jerusalem, with a letter to the High Priest Jedua with the fol|lowing requests: (1) To supply him with troops; (2) to allow free traffic between the Macedon|ian army and Jerusalem; (3) to give him every possible assistance, such as had been granted t|o Darius. A hint was also thrown out that the High Priest would do well to consider whose fri|endship and goodwill was of greater value--that of the victor, or that of the vanquished.|The letter further expressed Alexander's anticipation of having these modest requests granted|, and assured the Jews that they would have no reason to regret compliance. The Jews could no|t but know that it would be greatly to their advantage to be on good terms with this famous h|ero, and that the beaten Persian could neither benefit nor injure them. Yet they did not fee|l justified in deserting the Persians. The High Priest therefore indited something like the f|ollowing answer:--|'Recognition and high esteem are undoubtedly due to so glorious a hero, yet for the present t|he Jews of Jerusalem cannot comply with his wishes, for these reasons: We Jews have promise|d our loyalty, on our oath, to Darius. So long as that Prince lives the oath has its force, a|nd the Jews could commit no sin so grievous as wilful perjury, seeing that one of their comma|ndments, with which God has entrusted them, is this: "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lor|d thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless|p. 10|that taketh His name in vain."' The High Priest moreover mentioned instances--such as Zedekia|h, the last King of Judah, who became disloyal to the Babylonian ruler, his former allegianc|e notwithstanding, and brought calamity upon himself and upon Judea. He further pointed out t|hat Moses' teaching tends to show that the God of Israel is a God of Truth, that treachery an|d untruth bring misfortune on those who practise them, and that it is incumbent on every tru|e adherent of the teaching of Moses to avoid all falsehood and duplicity. Alexander would per|haps have been satisfied with the explanation offered by the High Priest Jedua, had it not be|en for the Samaritans, who, whilst practising all sorts of idolatry, were at the same time an|xious to unite with the Jews, and to be considered as a portion of that body. When the Jews r|epudiated them, they sought to set up a temple of their own on the model of the Jerusalem Tem|ple. Menasseh, a brother of Jedua, formerly a priest, having married a Samaritan woman, the d|aughter of a Samaritan governor, was deprived of his office of priest in the temple, and wa|s naturally all the more anxious to set up an opposition temple, in which he could exercise h|is priestly function. The Samaritans therefore strained every nerve to excite Alexander's ill|will against the Jews, and to obtain his sanction for the erection of a temple on Mount Geriz|im.|Sanblat, the Governor of Samaria, and father-in-law of Menasseh, the expelled priest, sough|t audience of Alexander, and took the opportunity to give his version of the motives of Jedua|, the High Priest, in refusing Alexander's requests. He maintained that loyalty to Darius wa|s not the motive of the refusal, as the Jews, he said, knew nothing of loyalty, but, on the c|ontrary, would overthrow every throne not occupied by one of their own people if they had th|e power. He said that they were priest-ridden, and that if there were any who|p. 11|would join his (Alexander's) army, they dared not venture it, as that would exclude them fro|m participating in the Temple service, which to them meant moral death. If he (the Macedonian|) would only secure an alternative to the Jerusalem Temple by sanctioning the opposition Temp|le which the Samaritans were anxious to set up, this would bring large numbers from Jerusale|m to the new Temple; and the newcomers, no longer fearing exclusion from the Jerusalem servic|e, would gladly join with the Samaritans the banner of the great conqueror Alexander. It is p|erhaps not surprising that the Macedonian conqueror was much impressed with this plausible ve|rsion, especially when the Samaritans, as an earnest of their acceptance of and adhesion to t|he new state of affairs, deserted en masse the ranks of the crushed Darius, and went over t|o Alexander's army.|The desired permission for the building of the Gerizim Temple was granted, and the work was t|aken in band. Soon afterwards, however, the governor, who was a man of advanced age, died. Ty|re could no longer resist the severe siege, and, as predicted by the prophet (Is. 27), it cap|itulated. Indescribable slaughter and ravage took place within its walls; the town was laid i|n ruins, and its heroes were either slaughtered or taken as slaves.|Alexander now turned his attention to the punishment of the Jews, and started with his ever-v|ictorious army for Jerusalem. When the news of the approach of Alexander and his formidable a|rmy reached Jerusalem, there was consternation, and despair ruled supreme amongst the inhabit|ants, one and all. The Jews took refuge, as ever, in their religion; prayer, fasting, sackclo|th and ashes were the order of the day. Confession of sin and repentance were practised dail|y by almost every person. When Alexander was but about one day's distance from Jerusalem, th|e High Priest and Elders of the Temple had the streets of the|p. 12|city beautifully decorated, the public buildings as well as the private residences were magni|ficently adorned, and they ordered the inhabitants to form two lines in the streets--one oppo|site the other--the people to appear in their holiday attire. The gates of the city were bede|cked with garlands of the finest flowers, and triumphal arches were erected. The priests, th|e Levites and the Elders, at their head the venerable High Priest Jedua in full priestly robe|s, mitre, ephod and breastplate, made their way, towards evening, to the entrance of the city|, carrying torches and candles in their hands, and a light was thrown on the brilliant assemb|ly such as eclipsed the noonday brightness of a magnificent summer's day.|Soon after their arrival at the gate, Alexander, at the head of his army, made his appearance|. He was quite astonished at the sight that met his view, and seemed to be overwhelmed on beh|olding the grand and imposing assembly that came to meet him. When he saw the High Priest, wh|o looked even as an angel in his garments, Alexander dismounted, as though impelled by an ins|tinct, bowed himself reverently, and proclaimed aloud: 'Blessed be the God whose servant yo|u are.' His army, however, having anticipated plunder rather than the sight before them, coul|d ill conceal their bewilderment at the strange turn of affairs. They could hardly believe, o|n the evidence of their own senses, that their proud monarch should bend his head so humbly a|nd so reverently before the High Priest. One of Alexander's confidential and favourite office|rs, Parmenion by name, ventured at last to ask the King why he, the proud conqueror, showed s|uch marked honour and deference to the Jewish priest.|'Listen, then,' replied Alexander, 'and I will tell you of a wonderful experience of mine. Wh|ile I was still in Macedonia I often lay awake at night, when all else was at rest, thinkin|g of a plan by which to gain mastery|p. 13|of Asia. One evening, when my thoughts were more than usually occupied with this fond schem|e of mine, I fell, exhausted by this mental strain, into a deep slumber, and saw in a visio|n an awe-inspiring man standing before me. The very sight of him seemed to instil into me cou|rage and hope, and, as though reading my very thoughts, he advised me to cross the borders o|f Greece without further hesitation, and assured me of the success of my projected undertakin|g. That vision of mine was no myth, no nightmare, not the mere phantasy of a heated brain; fo|r not only have I, since that vision, never met with anything but victory, but in the hoar-he|aded and venerable servant of the Jewish God, in his attire and in his bearing, I see no othe|r than the man of my vision. Shall I not then revere the man who was the messenger of his Go|d to lead me to victory? I am equally convinced that my destiny is to overthrow Darius, and f|or that purpose I was called to undertake this venture, and the appearance of this holy man f|oretells complete success.' After this explanation, Alexander entered Jerusalem, accompanie|d by the Jewish dignitaries who came to meet him. He was welcomed and cheered throughout by t|he population of the city. His first request was to be taken to the Temple, where he anxiousl|y inquired concerning the ceremonies and sacrifices and the manner of the services.|His curiosity was gladly satisfied, and the High Priest directed his attention also to the pa|ssage in Daniel 8. 5, where it is foretold that a Greek ruler (which term the High Priest app|lied to Alexander) would overthrow the Persian kingdom, and Alexander was exceedingly please|d with all he saw and heard. The following day the Macedonian hero summoned all the priests a|nd elders, and asked them to tell him, without restraint and hesitation, what they wished o|f him as a token of his great satisfaction at the reception given him, and as a mark of his h|igh estimation of their|p. 14|services and organization. The High Priest, who was the spokesman, asked his Majesty to gran|t them the free and unhindered exercise of their religious rites, and to waive the payment o|f taxes in the Sabbatical year, when, according to the law of Moses, no agricultural pursuit|s were allowed, and consequently there was no revenue from their lands. This was at once gran|ted; but Alexander observed from Jedua's demeanour that there was some further favour he wish|ed to obtain, but that the good man was reluctant to name it. He therefore requested the Hig|h Priest to lay all his wishes before him. The High Priest then ventured to ask that the grea|t monarch might extend his permission regarding the exercise of the religious rites by his Je|wish subjects to all other parts of his wide dominions, such as Babylon and Media, and this w|as also cheerfully granted by the great Alexander. At the express wish of the Macedonian warr|ior, a large number of the most valiant of the Jewish community joined his army, and he gav|e them permission to follow their religious observances in the camp. As a further favour, Ale|xander requested that his likeness might be framed and placed in the Temple. It was pointed o|ut to him that the Jews were strictly forbidden to have pictures and likenesses of anything w|hatever in their places of worship, and, in lieu of this, it was suggested (1) that all mal|e children born in that year throughout Jerusalem should be named Alexander, and (2) that th|e Jews should adopt a new era called the Alexander Era. That era was to commence with Octobe|r 1 of the year 312 before the Christian era. This suggestion met with Alexander's approval|, and up to the eleventh century of the Christian era this method of reckoning the years wa|s actually in force, and was known as the Era of Documents. 1|With Alexander's entry into Jerusalem began a very|p. 15|considerable improvement in the condition of the Jews. 1 The Samaritans used every subterfug|e in order to be recognized as Jews by the Macedonian hero, so that they might enjoy the priv|ileges and advantages bestowed on the latter, but they failed to convince Alexander, who reme|mbered their efforts to prejudice him against the Jews, that they were of the same people. 'I|f you are indeed Jews,' he asked, 'how is it that you are not known by that name?' 'We are,|' they insisted, 'descendants of the Patriarch Jacob, and Israel's God is our God; but the Si|domites call us Samaritans, and we are also known to them by the name of Shechemites, after o|ur capital Shechem.'|Alexander was not satisfied with their answer, and told them that he could not recognize the|m as Jews, and to the Jews alone he had granted the privileges which the Samaritans sought t|o obtain. He asked them to leave the matter in abeyance till his return from the long journe|y he was about to undertake, and on his return he would thoroughly investigate their claim, a|nd then see that justice was done to them. The Samaritans were dissatisfied with Alexander'|s treatment of them, and they rebelled and burned the Governor Andromachus in his own palace|. Alexander's anger at this was very great; he returned, put to death the leaders, exiled a n|umber of Samaritans to Egypt, where they formed a colony in Thebais, and handed a large numbe|r of them over to the Jews as slaves, as a reward for their tried loyalty.|Alexander of Macedonia, be it remembered, was by no means a mere uncouth warrior whose knowle|dge did not extend beyond the narrow compass of the battlefield, for the vast dominion of ar|t and science was an open book to him. From his thirteenth to his eighteenth|p. 16|year he was a pupil of Aristotle, who guided him through all branches of wisdom and knowledge|, and inspired in him a love for Homer's works, which in fact he always carried with him. A|s a consequence, he naturally had a longing for intercourse with the educated and learned me|n of every place which he visited. Arrived in the South, his first step was to have the men d|istinguished for their wisdom brought before him. To them he put the following ten questions|: (1) Which is the longer distance--from the earth to the skies, or from the east of the worl|d to the west? Answer: The last-mentioned is the longer, because if the sun stands in the Eas|t or in the West, then he is perceived in the half of each sphere; but if he is in the centr|e of the sky, then he is not visible everywhere. Consequently he must be higher in the forme|r case than in the latter. (2) Which was created first--the heavens or the earth? Answer: Th|e Almighty clearly commenced His work with the heavens, for is it not said, 'In the beginnin|g God created the heavens and the earth'? (3) Who is truly wise? Answer: He who can foresee t|he result of his acts is truly a wise man. (4) Who is truly strong? Answer: Strength is in th|e possession of him who can overcome his passions. (5) Who can be considered truly rich? Answ|er: Truly rich is he who possesses contentment. (6) How can man acquire true life? Answer: Tr|ue life can be obtained by deadening one's passions. (7) What hastens man's death? Answer: In|dulgence in earthly pleasures. (8) How can man obtain the love of his fellow-men? Answer: B|y not seeking supremacy over them. Alexander felt himself hit by this answer, and said, 'I a|m not of your opinion in this respect. My idea is that, in order to obtain the love of one'|s fellow-man, one must acquire might and power, and use them with discretion.' (9) Which is t|he more agreeable abode--on land or water? Answer: Surely on land, because seafaring men ar|e not happy and contented|p. 17|till they reach land. (10) Who amongst you is considered the wisest? Answer: In this respec|t we are unable to give any one the preference, as you may have observed that our answers wer|e unanimous and simultaneous.|Alexander proceeded in argument with the wise men. 'Why,' he asked, 'are you so averse to hea|thenism, seeing that the heathens greatly outnumber you?' To which he received the reply tha|t it is just the multitude, the masses, who are apt to lose sight of truth, and it is only gi|ven to a comparative few to perceive and understand pure truth. 'But,' he continued, 'it is i|n my power to destroy the whole of you.' 'No doubt,' was the answer, 'you possess the power t|o do so, but we are not apprehensive on that point, having once received the promise of you|r protection.' He then consulted them concerning his projected journey to Africa. The wise me|n answered, 'That you cannot reach, as it lies beyond the dark mountains, which no human foo|t can traverse.' The king seemed to be piqued by this, and said, 'I do not ask you whethe|r I shall or can traverse those mountains. My mind is made up, and there is no resistance t|o my will. What I want to know is the best means known to man for undertaking this formidabl|e expedition.' The wise men advised him to the best of their knowledge. Part of their advic|e was to procure certain draught animals from Libya, which possess the faculty of seeing thei|r way in darkness. The king, having adopted all the necessary measures, started for Africa. H|e arrived at a place called the land of Amazon, whose inhabitants consisted only of women, t|o whom he sent a declaration of war. The women sent a message to him that a war with them cou|ld only be an inglorious one, inasmuch as if he were victorious a victory over women could no|t bring him either fame or honour; whereas if they should be victorious, that would surely br|ing disgrace upon him.|p. 18|The king saw the wisdom of their argument, and gave up the idea of war, but bade them suppl|y him with bread. The women brought him lumps of gold in the shape of loaves of bread. The ki|ng said in amazement 'Do you use this metal as bread?' They answered 'You surely have not com|e all this distance merely for bread; is there no bread in your own country?'|Alexander took his departure thence, but, before starting, he wrote on the gate of the city|: 'I, Alexander of Macedonia, was a simpleton until I arrived at this gate, where I learnt wi|sdom from women.' He next arrived at Katzia, where also he was met with presents of gold. '|I want no gold of yours,' said Alexander to the chief. 'And to what other purpose have you co|me all this great distance?' was the answer, given in the shape of a question. 'I have come,|' said Alexander, 'to become acquainted with your manners and customs, especially with your a|dministration of justice.'|A remarkable case of litigation happened to be in progress in the place at this time. A man w|ho had bought a house of another found in its precincts a treasure-trove, which he took bac|k to the seller, saying: 'This is yours; I bought the house only, and not what may be found i|n it.' The other, in refusing to accept the proffered treasure, argued that he sold the house|, and the buyer was the rightful owner of all that might be found in it. The judge gave his d|ecision that the son of the purchaser of the house should marry the daughter of the seller, a|nd the young couple should receive the treasure as a dowry. As Alexander expressed his wonde|r at and approval of the wise verdict, he was asked by the judge how a similar suit would b|e decided in his own country. 'In my country,' replied Alexander, 'the treasure would be take|n by the Crown, and both parties would be deterred by the threat of death from laying any cla|im to it.' 'How,' said the judge, 'have you also rain and sunshine in your|p. 19|country?' 'Surely,' replied Alexander. 'And you possess also animals and fowls?' 'Why not?' a|sked the Macedonian. 'Then,' remarked the judge, I must suppose that the purpose of the rai|n and sunshine in your land is to sustain those harmless creatures; for you, the human inhabi|tants, judging by your perverseness and injustice, are unworthy of such blessed gifts of natu|re.'|One day they arrived at a river, and as his servants were washing off the salt of the fish, w|hich they carried with them for their august master, in the water of the river, they saw tha|t life was returning to the fishes. When the marvellous event was reported to Alexander, he d|etermined to find the source of that river. He pursued his way, and at last found a gate, whe|re he demanded admittance. The answer he received to his demand was: 'This is the gate of th|e Lord; the righteous shall enter therein,' and he concluded that it must be the gate of Para|dise. As all his pleadings did not gain him admittance, he asked for some article from the pl|ace as a token of his having arrived there. A lump of gold in the shape of a human eye was ha|nded out to him, and on putting it in the scales to ascertain its remarkable weight, he foun|d that whatever weight he might put on the opposite scale, it would not turn the scale on whi|ch the golden eye was put. As soon as he met with the Rabbis again, he asked them to unriddl|e this remarkable thing. The Rabbis told him to put a little earth over the eye, and its weig|ht would vanish. They explained that the eye was a perfect type of the human eye, which, as t|he wise king tells us (Prov. 27.), is never satisfied, until a little earth is put over it (i|n death), and its everlasting hunger ceases. 1|p. 20|Alexander returned home from his great adventures through the wilderness and went to Egypt, w|here he built the city of Alexandria. He was anxious for the Jews, whom he held in high estee|m for their bravery and loyalty, to be among the settlers of the great city. Once, some Afric|an tribe and some descendants of Ishmael laid complaints before him against the Jews. The Afr|icans claimed the possession of Palestine, basing their claim on Numbers 34. 2 and on their b|eing descendants of Canaan; they maintained that they had an undisputed right to the countr|y of their ancestor. The sons of Ishmael, too, put in a claim to the possession of at leas|t a portion of Palestine, as the land was promised to their grandfather Abraham (Gen. 25. 13)|. And so the Egyptians bethought themselves of their claim against the Jews, and referred als|o to a Scriptural passage (Exod. 12. 36).|Alexander had the elders of the Jews summoned to him, and mentioned the claims of the respect|ive parties against them. The Jews selected one named Gebeha, son of Psisa, as their defender|. He faced the plaintiffs, and said: 'You have each based your claims on Scripture; I, too, w|ill plead against you out of the books of Moses, our lawgiver. Regarding the Canaanites, we h|ave it in Genesis 9. 25 that Canaan was cursed and was made a slave to his brothers. A slav|e can possess no property of his own. As to the demand of the Ishmaelites, we have it also o|n the same authority (Gen. 25. 5) that Abraham presented Isaac with all his possessions, an|d to the children of his concubines he made presents and sent them away from his son Isaac.|'Against the claims of the Egyptians, we have a huge counterclaim. The second book of Moses m|entions the|p. 21|time of the Jewish compulsory servitude in Egypt as 430 years. We are fully prepared to resto|re the value of what we carried away from Egypt, if the Egyptians will pay us the wages of 60|0,000 men, whom they compelled to work for them for the period mentioned.'|Alexander demanded a reply on the part of the three claimants against the Jewish arguments, w|ithin three days, if they did not wish to be punished for making fictitious claims.|Nothing more was heard of the claims. 1 The Jews rose in Alexander's esteem daily, and he gav|e them the most beautiful part of the city, on the banks of the river, as their quarter, an|d granted them the full rights of citizenship. The Jewish community increased greatly in weal|th and numbers. A year later, at the battle of Arbela, a town in Chaldea, Alexander entirel|y annihilated the Persian empire. After more wars and conquests, he died suddenly at the ag|e of thirty-three. His death was brought about as much by revelry as by his many cares and bo|dily exhaustion. Some of his generals contended for his throne; he was left unburied for som|e time, and eventually no royal burial was his portion. The Macedonian monarchy was divided a|mongst four of his generals.--Midr. Rabba Gen. 33; Lev. 27. and Tanchuma Emmor, etc.||Footnotes|14:1 See Rapoport's Erech Millin, page 73.|15:1 There is a difference in the dates mentioned in the Talmud. In Taanis it i|s stated as the 21st Kislev, and in Yoma 69 as the 28th of Tebeth.|19:1 This allegory was conspicuously applicable to Alexander's career and charact|er. However extensive were his conquests, he longed for more and was never satisfied, not eve|r after the p. 20 plundering of Asia, not after receiving, in consequence of his great conque|sts, the appellation of 'the great.' But with his death, his and his country's greatness ceas|ed, the monstrous possessions were cut up, and none of his kin ascended the throne.|21:1 Different dates are given for the above event. In Sanhed 91. it is given a|s the 24th of Nisson, and in Taanis as the 25th of Sivon.||Next: Demons |(http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/tmm/tmm03.htm)
deat: 10 Jun 0323 BC
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| | AKA (Stateira II) Barsine of Darius III | | | | | | |
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deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | | | | | Alexander III of Philip II of Amyntas III|King|King of Macedonia |
| | | | | | | | | birt: Jul 0356 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece|Alexander by Plutarch|75 AD|ALEXANDER|356-323 B.C.|by Plutarch|translated by John Dryden|ALEXANDER -|IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey w|as destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I were to bl|ame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen rather to epitomi|ze the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on every particular circ|umstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives.|...|(http://www.4literature.net/Plutarch/Alexander/)|Sacred Texts <../../index.htm> Judaism <../index.htm> Index Previous Next ||p. 8|ALEXANDER OF MACEDON|THE great conqueror Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who, at the instigation of t|he Persians, was assassinated by Pisanius, when yet a boy showed great thirst for conquest. W|hen he heard of his father's conquests he wept bitterly, complaining that by the time he assu|med the crown there would be so little for him to conquer. He was barely twenty years old whe|n he ascended the throne, but he knew well how to make his power felt. He soon conquered th|e Thracians, as well as the rebellious Thebans, and his heroic qualities developed so rapidl|y that he was appointed by the Greeks as military chief in their wars against the Persians. U|ninterrupted success followed his arms, and had he not died at a comparatively early age he w|ould probably have conquered what was then known as the whole world. His victory over the Per|sian General Memnon, on the river Granicus, in the North-West of Asia Minor, opened for him t|he road into the interior of further Asia. He was not slow to take advantage of the opportuni|ty, and pushed rapidly through the States of Asia Minor, through Lydia and Ionia to Pamphylia|. In the latter, near Issus, he gained a brilliant victory over Darius the Third, also know|n as Codomanus, who narrowly escaped death, leaving his mother, his wife and his children i|n the hands of the conqueror.|The Macedonian hero, with his troops intoxicated with victory after victory, now entered Syri|a, not so much in pursuit of Darius as with a view to extending|p. 9|his conquests. He took Damascus and Sidon, and attacked Tyre, so as to become master of the s|ea also.|That city, however, being very strongly fortified, and being on one side protected by the sea|, offered a stubborn resistance, and Alexander found himself compelled to embark on a long si|ege. In order to prevent any untoward event during the siege, Alexander was anxious to ensur|e immunity from the neighbouring State.|He therefore sent a message to Jerusalem, with a letter to the High Priest Jedua with the fol|lowing requests: (1) To supply him with troops; (2) to allow free traffic between the Macedon|ian army and Jerusalem; (3) to give him every possible assistance, such as had been granted t|o Darius. A hint was also thrown out that the High Priest would do well to consider whose fri|endship and goodwill was of greater value--that of the victor, or that of the vanquished.|The letter further expressed Alexander's anticipation of having these modest requests granted|, and assured the Jews that they would have no reason to regret compliance. The Jews could no|t but know that it would be greatly to their advantage to be on good terms with this famous h|ero, and that the beaten Persian could neither benefit nor injure them. Yet they did not fee|l justified in deserting the Persians. The High Priest therefore indited something like the f|ollowing answer:--|'Recognition and high esteem are undoubtedly due to so glorious a hero, yet for the present t|he Jews of Jerusalem cannot comply with his wishes, for these reasons: We Jews have promise|d our loyalty, on our oath, to Darius. So long as that Prince lives the oath has its force, a|nd the Jews could commit no sin so grievous as wilful perjury, seeing that one of their comma|ndments, with which God has entrusted them, is this: "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lor|d thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless|p. 10|that taketh His name in vain."' The High Priest moreover mentioned instances--such as Zedekia|h, the last King of Judah, who became disloyal to the Babylonian ruler, his former allegianc|e notwithstanding, and brought calamity upon himself and upon Judea. He further pointed out t|hat Moses' teaching tends to show that the God of Israel is a God of Truth, that treachery an|d untruth bring misfortune on those who practise them, and that it is incumbent on every tru|e adherent of the teaching of Moses to avoid all falsehood and duplicity. Alexander would per|haps have been satisfied with the explanation offered by the High Priest Jedua, had it not be|en for the Samaritans, who, whilst practising all sorts of idolatry, were at the same time an|xious to unite with the Jews, and to be considered as a portion of that body. When the Jews r|epudiated them, they sought to set up a temple of their own on the model of the Jerusalem Tem|ple. Menasseh, a brother of Jedua, formerly a priest, having married a Samaritan woman, the d|aughter of a Samaritan governor, was deprived of his office of priest in the temple, and wa|s naturally all the more anxious to set up an opposition temple, in which he could exercise h|is priestly function. The Samaritans therefore strained every nerve to excite Alexander's ill|will against the Jews, and to obtain his sanction for the erection of a temple on Mount Geriz|im.|Sanblat, the Governor of Samaria, and father-in-law of Menasseh, the expelled priest, sough|t audience of Alexander, and took the opportunity to give his version of the motives of Jedua|, the High Priest, in refusing Alexander's requests. He maintained that loyalty to Darius wa|s not the motive of the refusal, as the Jews, he said, knew nothing of loyalty, but, on the c|ontrary, would overthrow every throne not occupied by one of their own people if they had th|e power. He said that they were priest-ridden, and that if there were any who|p. 11|would join his (Alexander's) army, they dared not venture it, as that would exclude them fro|m participating in the Temple service, which to them meant moral death. If he (the Macedonian|) would only secure an alternative to the Jerusalem Temple by sanctioning the opposition Temp|le which the Samaritans were anxious to set up, this would bring large numbers from Jerusale|m to the new Temple; and the newcomers, no longer fearing exclusion from the Jerusalem servic|e, would gladly join with the Samaritans the banner of the great conqueror Alexander. It is p|erhaps not surprising that the Macedonian conqueror was much impressed with this plausible ve|rsion, especially when the Samaritans, as an earnest of their acceptance of and adhesion to t|he new state of affairs, deserted en masse the ranks of the crushed Darius, and went over t|o Alexander's army.|The desired permission for the building of the Gerizim Temple was granted, and the work was t|aken in band. Soon afterwards, however, the governor, who was a man of advanced age, died. Ty|re could no longer resist the severe siege, and, as predicted by the prophet (Is. 27), it cap|itulated. Indescribable slaughter and ravage took place within its walls; the town was laid i|n ruins, and its heroes were either slaughtered or taken as slaves.|Alexander now turned his attention to the punishment of the Jews, and started with his ever-v|ictorious army for Jerusalem. When the news of the approach of Alexander and his formidable a|rmy reached Jerusalem, there was consternation, and despair ruled supreme amongst the inhabit|ants, one and all. The Jews took refuge, as ever, in their religion; prayer, fasting, sackclo|th and ashes were the order of the day. Confession of sin and repentance were practised dail|y by almost every person. When Alexander was but about one day's distance from Jerusalem, th|e High Priest and Elders of the Temple had the streets of the|p. 12|city beautifully decorated, the public buildings as well as the private residences were magni|ficently adorned, and they ordered the inhabitants to form two lines in the streets--one oppo|site the other--the people to appear in their holiday attire. The gates of the city were bede|cked with garlands of the finest flowers, and triumphal arches were erected. The priests, th|e Levites and the Elders, at their head the venerable High Priest Jedua in full priestly robe|s, mitre, ephod and breastplate, made their way, towards evening, to the entrance of the city|, carrying torches and candles in their hands, and a light was thrown on the brilliant assemb|ly such as eclipsed the noonday brightness of a magnificent summer's day.|Soon after their arrival at the gate, Alexander, at the head of his army, made his appearance|. He was quite astonished at the sight that met his view, and seemed to be overwhelmed on beh|olding the grand and imposing assembly that came to meet him. When he saw the High Priest, wh|o looked even as an angel in his garments, Alexander dismounted, as though impelled by an ins|tinct, bowed himself reverently, and proclaimed aloud: 'Blessed be the God whose servant yo|u are.' His army, however, having anticipated plunder rather than the sight before them, coul|d ill conceal their bewilderment at the strange turn of affairs. They could hardly believe, o|n the evidence of their own senses, that their proud monarch should bend his head so humbly a|nd so reverently before the High Priest. One of Alexander's confidential and favourite office|rs, Parmenion by name, ventured at last to ask the King why he, the proud conqueror, showed s|uch marked honour and deference to the Jewish priest.|'Listen, then,' replied Alexander, 'and I will tell you of a wonderful experience of mine. Wh|ile I was still in Macedonia I often lay awake at night, when all else was at rest, thinkin|g of a plan by which to gain mastery|p. 13|of Asia. One evening, when my thoughts were more than usually occupied with this fond schem|e of mine, I fell, exhausted by this mental strain, into a deep slumber, and saw in a visio|n an awe-inspiring man standing before me. The very sight of him seemed to instil into me cou|rage and hope, and, as though reading my very thoughts, he advised me to cross the borders o|f Greece without further hesitation, and assured me of the success of my projected undertakin|g. That vision of mine was no myth, no nightmare, not the mere phantasy of a heated brain; fo|r not only have I, since that vision, never met with anything but victory, but in the hoar-he|aded and venerable servant of the Jewish God, in his attire and in his bearing, I see no othe|r than the man of my vision. Shall I not then revere the man who was the messenger of his Go|d to lead me to victory? I am equally convinced that my destiny is to overthrow Darius, and f|or that purpose I was called to undertake this venture, and the appearance of this holy man f|oretells complete success.' After this explanation, Alexander entered Jerusalem, accompanie|d by the Jewish dignitaries who came to meet him. He was welcomed and cheered throughout by t|he population of the city. His first request was to be taken to the Temple, where he anxiousl|y inquired concerning the ceremonies and sacrifices and the manner of the services.|His curiosity was gladly satisfied, and the High Priest directed his attention also to the pa|ssage in Daniel 8. 5, where it is foretold that a Greek ruler (which term the High Priest app|lied to Alexander) would overthrow the Persian kingdom, and Alexander was exceedingly please|d with all he saw and heard. The following day the Macedonian hero summoned all the priests a|nd elders, and asked them to tell him, without restraint and hesitation, what they wished o|f him as a token of his great satisfaction at the reception given him, and as a mark of his h|igh estimation of their|p. 14|services and organization. The High Priest, who was the spokesman, asked his Majesty to gran|t them the free and unhindered exercise of their religious rites, and to waive the payment o|f taxes in the Sabbatical year, when, according to the law of Moses, no agricultural pursuit|s were allowed, and consequently there was no revenue from their lands. This was at once gran|ted; but Alexander observed from Jedua's demeanour that there was some further favour he wish|ed to obtain, but that the good man was reluctant to name it. He therefore requested the Hig|h Priest to lay all his wishes before him. The High Priest then ventured to ask that the grea|t monarch might extend his permission regarding the exercise of the religious rites by his Je|wish subjects to all other parts of his wide dominions, such as Babylon and Media, and this w|as also cheerfully granted by the great Alexander. At the express wish of the Macedonian warr|ior, a large number of the most valiant of the Jewish community joined his army, and he gav|e them permission to follow their religious observances in the camp. As a further favour, Ale|xander requested that his likeness might be framed and placed in the Temple. It was pointed o|ut to him that the Jews were strictly forbidden to have pictures and likenesses of anything w|hatever in their places of worship, and, in lieu of this, it was suggested (1) that all mal|e children born in that year throughout Jerusalem should be named Alexander, and (2) that th|e Jews should adopt a new era called the Alexander Era. That era was to commence with Octobe|r 1 of the year 312 before the Christian era. This suggestion met with Alexander's approval|, and up to the eleventh century of the Christian era this method of reckoning the years wa|s actually in force, and was known as the Era of Documents. 1|With Alexander's entry into Jerusalem began a very|p. 15|considerable improvement in the condition of the Jews. 1 The Samaritans used every subterfug|e in order to be recognized as Jews by the Macedonian hero, so that they might enjoy the priv|ileges and advantages bestowed on the latter, but they failed to convince Alexander, who reme|mbered their efforts to prejudice him against the Jews, that they were of the same people. 'I|f you are indeed Jews,' he asked, 'how is it that you are not known by that name?' 'We are,|' they insisted, 'descendants of the Patriarch Jacob, and Israel's God is our God; but the Si|domites call us Samaritans, and we are also known to them by the name of Shechemites, after o|ur capital Shechem.'|Alexander was not satisfied with their answer, and told them that he could not recognize the|m as Jews, and to the Jews alone he had granted the privileges which the Samaritans sought t|o obtain. He asked them to leave the matter in abeyance till his return from the long journe|y he was about to undertake, and on his return he would thoroughly investigate their claim, a|nd then see that justice was done to them. The Samaritans were dissatisfied with Alexander'|s treatment of them, and they rebelled and burned the Governor Andromachus in his own palace|. Alexander's anger at this was very great; he returned, put to death the leaders, exiled a n|umber of Samaritans to Egypt, where they formed a colony in Thebais, and handed a large numbe|r of them over to the Jews as slaves, as a reward for their tried loyalty.|Alexander of Macedonia, be it remembered, was by no means a mere uncouth warrior whose knowle|dge did not extend beyond the narrow compass of the battlefield, for the vast dominion of ar|t and science was an open book to him. From his thirteenth to his eighteenth|p. 16|year he was a pupil of Aristotle, who guided him through all branches of wisdom and knowledge|, and inspired in him a love for Homer's works, which in fact he always carried with him. A|s a consequence, he naturally had a longing for intercourse with the educated and learned me|n of every place which he visited. Arrived in the South, his first step was to have the men d|istinguished for their wisdom brought before him. To them he put the following ten questions|: (1) Which is the longer distance--from the earth to the skies, or from the east of the worl|d to the west? Answer: The last-mentioned is the longer, because if the sun stands in the Eas|t or in the West, then he is perceived in the half of each sphere; but if he is in the centr|e of the sky, then he is not visible everywhere. Consequently he must be higher in the forme|r case than in the latter. (2) Which was created first--the heavens or the earth? Answer: Th|e Almighty clearly commenced His work with the heavens, for is it not said, 'In the beginnin|g God created the heavens and the earth'? (3) Who is truly wise? Answer: He who can foresee t|he result of his acts is truly a wise man. (4) Who is truly strong? Answer: Strength is in th|e possession of him who can overcome his passions. (5) Who can be considered truly rich? Answ|er: Truly rich is he who possesses contentment. (6) How can man acquire true life? Answer: Tr|ue life can be obtained by deadening one's passions. (7) What hastens man's death? Answer: In|dulgence in earthly pleasures. (8) How can man obtain the love of his fellow-men? Answer: B|y not seeking supremacy over them. Alexander felt himself hit by this answer, and said, 'I a|m not of your opinion in this respect. My idea is that, in order to obtain the love of one'|s fellow-man, one must acquire might and power, and use them with discretion.' (9) Which is t|he more agreeable abode--on land or water? Answer: Surely on land, because seafaring men ar|e not happy and contented|p. 17|till they reach land. (10) Who amongst you is considered the wisest? Answer: In this respec|t we are unable to give any one the preference, as you may have observed that our answers wer|e unanimous and simultaneous.|Alexander proceeded in argument with the wise men. 'Why,' he asked, 'are you so averse to hea|thenism, seeing that the heathens greatly outnumber you?' To which he received the reply tha|t it is just the multitude, the masses, who are apt to lose sight of truth, and it is only gi|ven to a comparative few to perceive and understand pure truth. 'But,' he continued, 'it is i|n my power to destroy the whole of you.' 'No doubt,' was the answer, 'you possess the power t|o do so, but we are not apprehensive on that point, having once received the promise of you|r protection.' He then consulted them concerning his projected journey to Africa. The wise me|n answered, 'That you cannot reach, as it lies beyond the dark mountains, which no human foo|t can traverse.' The king seemed to be piqued by this, and said, 'I do not ask you whethe|r I shall or can traverse those mountains. My mind is made up, and there is no resistance t|o my will. What I want to know is the best means known to man for undertaking this formidabl|e expedition.' The wise men advised him to the best of their knowledge. Part of their advic|e was to procure certain draught animals from Libya, which possess the faculty of seeing thei|r way in darkness. The king, having adopted all the necessary measures, started for Africa. H|e arrived at a place called the land of Amazon, whose inhabitants consisted only of women, t|o whom he sent a declaration of war. The women sent a message to him that a war with them cou|ld only be an inglorious one, inasmuch as if he were victorious a victory over women could no|t bring him either fame or honour; whereas if they should be victorious, that would surely br|ing disgrace upon him.|p. 18|The king saw the wisdom of their argument, and gave up the idea of war, but bade them suppl|y him with bread. The women brought him lumps of gold in the shape of loaves of bread. The ki|ng said in amazement 'Do you use this metal as bread?' They answered 'You surely have not com|e all this distance merely for bread; is there no bread in your own country?'|Alexander took his departure thence, but, before starting, he wrote on the gate of the city|: 'I, Alexander of Macedonia, was a simpleton until I arrived at this gate, where I learnt wi|sdom from women.' He next arrived at Katzia, where also he was met with presents of gold. '|I want no gold of yours,' said Alexander to the chief. 'And to what other purpose have you co|me all this great distance?' was the answer, given in the shape of a question. 'I have come,|' said Alexander, 'to become acquainted with your manners and customs, especially with your a|dministration of justice.'|A remarkable case of litigation happened to be in progress in the place at this time. A man w|ho had bought a house of another found in its precincts a treasure-trove, which he took bac|k to the seller, saying: 'This is yours; I bought the house only, and not what may be found i|n it.' The other, in refusing to accept the proffered treasure, argued that he sold the house|, and the buyer was the rightful owner of all that might be found in it. The judge gave his d|ecision that the son of the purchaser of the house should marry the daughter of the seller, a|nd the young couple should receive the treasure as a dowry. As Alexander expressed his wonde|r at and approval of the wise verdict, he was asked by the judge how a similar suit would b|e decided in his own country. 'In my country,' replied Alexander, 'the treasure would be take|n by the Crown, and both parties would be deterred by the threat of death from laying any cla|im to it.' 'How,' said the judge, 'have you also rain and sunshine in your|p. 19|country?' 'Surely,' replied Alexander. 'And you possess also animals and fowls?' 'Why not?' a|sked the Macedonian. 'Then,' remarked the judge, I must suppose that the purpose of the rai|n and sunshine in your land is to sustain those harmless creatures; for you, the human inhabi|tants, judging by your perverseness and injustice, are unworthy of such blessed gifts of natu|re.'|One day they arrived at a river, and as his servants were washing off the salt of the fish, w|hich they carried with them for their august master, in the water of the river, they saw tha|t life was returning to the fishes. When the marvellous event was reported to Alexander, he d|etermined to find the source of that river. He pursued his way, and at last found a gate, whe|re he demanded admittance. The answer he received to his demand was: 'This is the gate of th|e Lord; the righteous shall enter therein,' and he concluded that it must be the gate of Para|dise. As all his pleadings did not gain him admittance, he asked for some article from the pl|ace as a token of his having arrived there. A lump of gold in the shape of a human eye was ha|nded out to him, and on putting it in the scales to ascertain its remarkable weight, he foun|d that whatever weight he might put on the opposite scale, it would not turn the scale on whi|ch the golden eye was put. As soon as he met with the Rabbis again, he asked them to unriddl|e this remarkable thing. The Rabbis told him to put a little earth over the eye, and its weig|ht would vanish. They explained that the eye was a perfect type of the human eye, which, as t|he wise king tells us (Prov. 27.), is never satisfied, until a little earth is put over it (i|n death), and its everlasting hunger ceases. 1|p. 20|Alexander returned home from his great adventures through the wilderness and went to Egypt, w|here he built the city of Alexandria. He was anxious for the Jews, whom he held in high estee|m for their bravery and loyalty, to be among the settlers of the great city. Once, some Afric|an tribe and some descendants of Ishmael laid complaints before him against the Jews. The Afr|icans claimed the possession of Palestine, basing their claim on Numbers 34. 2 and on their b|eing descendants of Canaan; they maintained that they had an undisputed right to the countr|y of their ancestor. The sons of Ishmael, too, put in a claim to the possession of at leas|t a portion of Palestine, as the land was promised to their grandfather Abraham (Gen. 25. 13)|. And so the Egyptians bethought themselves of their claim against the Jews, and referred als|o to a Scriptural passage (Exod. 12. 36).|Alexander had the elders of the Jews summoned to him, and mentioned the claims of the respect|ive parties against them. The Jews selected one named Gebeha, son of Psisa, as their defender|. He faced the plaintiffs, and said: 'You have each based your claims on Scripture; I, too, w|ill plead against you out of the books of Moses, our lawgiver. Regarding the Canaanites, we h|ave it in Genesis 9. 25 that Canaan was cursed and was made a slave to his brothers. A slav|e can possess no property of his own. As to the demand of the Ishmaelites, we have it also o|n the same authority (Gen. 25. 5) that Abraham presented Isaac with all his possessions, an|d to the children of his concubines he made presents and sent them away from his son Isaac.|'Against the claims of the Egyptians, we have a huge counterclaim. The second book of Moses m|entions the|p. 21|time of the Jewish compulsory servitude in Egypt as 430 years. We are fully prepared to resto|re the value of what we carried away from Egypt, if the Egyptians will pay us the wages of 60|0,000 men, whom they compelled to work for them for the period mentioned.'|Alexander demanded a reply on the part of the three claimants against the Jewish arguments, w|ithin three days, if they did not wish to be punished for making fictitious claims.|Nothing more was heard of the claims. 1 The Jews rose in Alexander's esteem daily, and he gav|e them the most beautiful part of the city, on the banks of the river, as their quarter, an|d granted them the full rights of citizenship. The Jewish community increased greatly in weal|th and numbers. A year later, at the battle of Arbela, a town in Chaldea, Alexander entirel|y annihilated the Persian empire. After more wars and conquests, he died suddenly at the ag|e of thirty-three. His death was brought about as much by revelry as by his many cares and bo|dily exhaustion. Some of his generals contended for his throne; he was left unburied for som|e time, and eventually no royal burial was his portion. The Macedonian monarchy was divided a|mongst four of his generals.--Midr. Rabba Gen. 33; Lev. 27. and Tanchuma Emmor, etc.||Footnotes|14:1 See Rapoport's Erech Millin, page 73.|15:1 There is a difference in the dates mentioned in the Talmud. In Taanis it i|s stated as the 21st Kislev, and in Yoma 69 as the 28th of Tebeth.|19:1 This allegory was conspicuously applicable to Alexander's career and charact|er. However extensive were his conquests, he longed for more and was never satisfied, not eve|r after the p. 20 plundering of Asia, not after receiving, in consequence of his great conque|sts, the appellation of 'the great.' But with his death, his and his country's greatness ceas|ed, the monstrous possessions were cut up, and none of his kin ascended the throne.|21:1 Different dates are given for the above event. In Sanhed 91. it is given a|s the 24th of Nisson, and in Taanis as the 25th of Sivon.||Next: Demons |(http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/tmm/tmm03.htm)
deat: 10 Jun 0323 BC
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| | | | | | | Associates of King Alexander III of Philip II | | |
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plac: Macedon
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | | | | | Roxanna (Roxane) (Roxana), daughter of Oxathres of Darius II|Princess |
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plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | Darius III Codomannus of Arsames of Ostanes|King | | |
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plac: Persia (Iran)|Neh 12:22|The Levites in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua, [were] recorded chief o|f the fathers: also the priests, to the reign of Darius the Persian.
deat: 0332 BC
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| | | Stateira II (Barsine), daughter of Darius III of Arsames | | | | |
| | | birt: ABT 0340 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | Stateira I, daughter of Arsames of Ostanes | | |
| | | | | birt: ABT 0380 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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Associates of Drypetis of Darius III
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deat: DECEASED
Associates of Hephaestion of Amyntor
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deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | | | Greco-Roman Rulers of Egypt | | |
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deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | Alexander III of Philip II of Amyntas III|King|King of Macedonia | | |
| | | | | birt: Jul 0356 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece|Alexander by Plutarch|75 AD|ALEXANDER|356-323 B.C.|by Plutarch|translated by John Dryden|ALEXANDER -|IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey w|as destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I were to bl|ame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen rather to epitomi|ze the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on every particular circ|umstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives.|...|(http://www.4literature.net/Plutarch/Alexander/)|Sacred Texts <../../index.htm> Judaism <../index.htm> Index Previous Next ||p. 8|ALEXANDER OF MACEDON|THE great conqueror Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who, at the instigation of t|he Persians, was assassinated by Pisanius, when yet a boy showed great thirst for conquest. W|hen he heard of his father's conquests he wept bitterly, complaining that by the time he assu|med the crown there would be so little for him to conquer. He was barely twenty years old whe|n he ascended the throne, but he knew well how to make his power felt. He soon conquered th|e Thracians, as well as the rebellious Thebans, and his heroic qualities developed so rapidl|y that he was appointed by the Greeks as military chief in their wars against the Persians. U|ninterrupted success followed his arms, and had he not died at a comparatively early age he w|ould probably have conquered what was then known as the whole world. His victory over the Per|sian General Memnon, on the river Granicus, in the North-West of Asia Minor, opened for him t|he road into the interior of further Asia. He was not slow to take advantage of the opportuni|ty, and pushed rapidly through the States of Asia Minor, through Lydia and Ionia to Pamphylia|. In the latter, near Issus, he gained a brilliant victory over Darius the Third, also know|n as Codomanus, who narrowly escaped death, leaving his mother, his wife and his children i|n the hands of the conqueror.|The Macedonian hero, with his troops intoxicated with victory after victory, now entered Syri|a, not so much in pursuit of Darius as with a view to extending|p. 9|his conquests. He took Damascus and Sidon, and attacked Tyre, so as to become master of the s|ea also.|That city, however, being very strongly fortified, and being on one side protected by the sea|, offered a stubborn resistance, and Alexander found himself compelled to embark on a long si|ege. In order to prevent any untoward event during the siege, Alexander was anxious to ensur|e immunity from the neighbouring State.|He therefore sent a message to Jerusalem, with a letter to the High Priest Jedua with the fol|lowing requests: (1) To supply him with troops; (2) to allow free traffic between the Macedon|ian army and Jerusalem; (3) to give him every possible assistance, such as had been granted t|o Darius. A hint was also thrown out that the High Priest would do well to consider whose fri|endship and goodwill was of greater value--that of the victor, or that of the vanquished.|The letter further expressed Alexander's anticipation of having these modest requests granted|, and assured the Jews that they would have no reason to regret compliance. The Jews could no|t but know that it would be greatly to their advantage to be on good terms with this famous h|ero, and that the beaten Persian could neither benefit nor injure them. Yet they did not fee|l justified in deserting the Persians. The High Priest therefore indited something like the f|ollowing answer:--|'Recognition and high esteem are undoubtedly due to so glorious a hero, yet for the present t|he Jews of Jerusalem cannot comply with his wishes, for these reasons: We Jews have promise|d our loyalty, on our oath, to Darius. So long as that Prince lives the oath has its force, a|nd the Jews could commit no sin so grievous as wilful perjury, seeing that one of their comma|ndments, with which God has entrusted them, is this: "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lor|d thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless|p. 10|that taketh His name in vain."' The High Priest moreover mentioned instances--such as Zedekia|h, the last King of Judah, who became disloyal to the Babylonian ruler, his former allegianc|e notwithstanding, and brought calamity upon himself and upon Judea. He further pointed out t|hat Moses' teaching tends to show that the God of Israel is a God of Truth, that treachery an|d untruth bring misfortune on those who practise them, and that it is incumbent on every tru|e adherent of the teaching of Moses to avoid all falsehood and duplicity. Alexander would per|haps have been satisfied with the explanation offered by the High Priest Jedua, had it not be|en for the Samaritans, who, whilst practising all sorts of idolatry, were at the same time an|xious to unite with the Jews, and to be considered as a portion of that body. When the Jews r|epudiated them, they sought to set up a temple of their own on the model of the Jerusalem Tem|ple. Menasseh, a brother of Jedua, formerly a priest, having married a Samaritan woman, the d|aughter of a Samaritan governor, was deprived of his office of priest in the temple, and wa|s naturally all the more anxious to set up an opposition temple, in which he could exercise h|is priestly function. The Samaritans therefore strained every nerve to excite Alexander's ill|will against the Jews, and to obtain his sanction for the erection of a temple on Mount Geriz|im.|Sanblat, the Governor of Samaria, and father-in-law of Menasseh, the expelled priest, sough|t audience of Alexander, and took the opportunity to give his version of the motives of Jedua|, the High Priest, in refusing Alexander's requests. He maintained that loyalty to Darius wa|s not the motive of the refusal, as the Jews, he said, knew nothing of loyalty, but, on the c|ontrary, would overthrow every throne not occupied by one of their own people if they had th|e power. He said that they were priest-ridden, and that if there were any who|p. 11|would join his (Alexander's) army, they dared not venture it, as that would exclude them fro|m participating in the Temple service, which to them meant moral death. If he (the Macedonian|) would only secure an alternative to the Jerusalem Temple by sanctioning the opposition Temp|le which the Samaritans were anxious to set up, this would bring large numbers from Jerusale|m to the new Temple; and the newcomers, no longer fearing exclusion from the Jerusalem servic|e, would gladly join with the Samaritans the banner of the great conqueror Alexander. It is p|erhaps not surprising that the Macedonian conqueror was much impressed with this plausible ve|rsion, especially when the Samaritans, as an earnest of their acceptance of and adhesion to t|he new state of affairs, deserted en masse the ranks of the crushed Darius, and went over t|o Alexander's army.|The desired permission for the building of the Gerizim Temple was granted, and the work was t|aken in band. Soon afterwards, however, the governor, who was a man of advanced age, died. Ty|re could no longer resist the severe siege, and, as predicted by the prophet (Is. 27), it cap|itulated. Indescribable slaughter and ravage took place within its walls; the town was laid i|n ruins, and its heroes were either slaughtered or taken as slaves.|Alexander now turned his attention to the punishment of the Jews, and started with his ever-v|ictorious army for Jerusalem. When the news of the approach of Alexander and his formidable a|rmy reached Jerusalem, there was consternation, and despair ruled supreme amongst the inhabit|ants, one and all. The Jews took refuge, as ever, in their religion; prayer, fasting, sackclo|th and ashes were the order of the day. Confession of sin and repentance were practised dail|y by almost every person. When Alexander was but about one day's distance from Jerusalem, th|e High Priest and Elders of the Temple had the streets of the|p. 12|city beautifully decorated, the public buildings as well as the private residences were magni|ficently adorned, and they ordered the inhabitants to form two lines in the streets--one oppo|site the other--the people to appear in their holiday attire. The gates of the city were bede|cked with garlands of the finest flowers, and triumphal arches were erected. The priests, th|e Levites and the Elders, at their head the venerable High Priest Jedua in full priestly robe|s, mitre, ephod and breastplate, made their way, towards evening, to the entrance of the city|, carrying torches and candles in their hands, and a light was thrown on the brilliant assemb|ly such as eclipsed the noonday brightness of a magnificent summer's day.|Soon after their arrival at the gate, Alexander, at the head of his army, made his appearance|. He was quite astonished at the sight that met his view, and seemed to be overwhelmed on beh|olding the grand and imposing assembly that came to meet him. When he saw the High Priest, wh|o looked even as an angel in his garments, Alexander dismounted, as though impelled by an ins|tinct, bowed himself reverently, and proclaimed aloud: 'Blessed be the God whose servant yo|u are.' His army, however, having anticipated plunder rather than the sight before them, coul|d ill conceal their bewilderment at the strange turn of affairs. They could hardly believe, o|n the evidence of their own senses, that their proud monarch should bend his head so humbly a|nd so reverently before the High Priest. One of Alexander's confidential and favourite office|rs, Parmenion by name, ventured at last to ask the King why he, the proud conqueror, showed s|uch marked honour and deference to the Jewish priest.|'Listen, then,' replied Alexander, 'and I will tell you of a wonderful experience of mine. Wh|ile I was still in Macedonia I often lay awake at night, when all else was at rest, thinkin|g of a plan by which to gain mastery|p. 13|of Asia. One evening, when my thoughts were more than usually occupied with this fond schem|e of mine, I fell, exhausted by this mental strain, into a deep slumber, and saw in a visio|n an awe-inspiring man standing before me. The very sight of him seemed to instil into me cou|rage and hope, and, as though reading my very thoughts, he advised me to cross the borders o|f Greece without further hesitation, and assured me of the success of my projected undertakin|g. That vision of mine was no myth, no nightmare, not the mere phantasy of a heated brain; fo|r not only have I, since that vision, never met with anything but victory, but in the hoar-he|aded and venerable servant of the Jewish God, in his attire and in his bearing, I see no othe|r than the man of my vision. Shall I not then revere the man who was the messenger of his Go|d to lead me to victory? I am equally convinced that my destiny is to overthrow Darius, and f|or that purpose I was called to undertake this venture, and the appearance of this holy man f|oretells complete success.' After this explanation, Alexander entered Jerusalem, accompanie|d by the Jewish dignitaries who came to meet him. He was welcomed and cheered throughout by t|he population of the city. His first request was to be taken to the Temple, where he anxiousl|y inquired concerning the ceremonies and sacrifices and the manner of the services.|His curiosity was gladly satisfied, and the High Priest directed his attention also to the pa|ssage in Daniel 8. 5, where it is foretold that a Greek ruler (which term the High Priest app|lied to Alexander) would overthrow the Persian kingdom, and Alexander was exceedingly please|d with all he saw and heard. The following day the Macedonian hero summoned all the priests a|nd elders, and asked them to tell him, without restraint and hesitation, what they wished o|f him as a token of his great satisfaction at the reception given him, and as a mark of his h|igh estimation of their|p. 14|services and organization. The High Priest, who was the spokesman, asked his Majesty to gran|t them the free and unhindered exercise of their religious rites, and to waive the payment o|f taxes in the Sabbatical year, when, according to the law of Moses, no agricultural pursuit|s were allowed, and consequently there was no revenue from their lands. This was at once gran|ted; but Alexander observed from Jedua's demeanour that there was some further favour he wish|ed to obtain, but that the good man was reluctant to name it. He therefore requested the Hig|h Priest to lay all his wishes before him. The High Priest then ventured to ask that the grea|t monarch might extend his permission regarding the exercise of the religious rites by his Je|wish subjects to all other parts of his wide dominions, such as Babylon and Media, and this w|as also cheerfully granted by the great Alexander. At the express wish of the Macedonian warr|ior, a large number of the most valiant of the Jewish community joined his army, and he gav|e them permission to follow their religious observances in the camp. As a further favour, Ale|xander requested that his likeness might be framed and placed in the Temple. It was pointed o|ut to him that the Jews were strictly forbidden to have pictures and likenesses of anything w|hatever in their places of worship, and, in lieu of this, it was suggested (1) that all mal|e children born in that year throughout Jerusalem should be named Alexander, and (2) that th|e Jews should adopt a new era called the Alexander Era. That era was to commence with Octobe|r 1 of the year 312 before the Christian era. This suggestion met with Alexander's approval|, and up to the eleventh century of the Christian era this method of reckoning the years wa|s actually in force, and was known as the Era of Documents. 1|With Alexander's entry into Jerusalem began a very|p. 15|considerable improvement in the condition of the Jews. 1 The Samaritans used every subterfug|e in order to be recognized as Jews by the Macedonian hero, so that they might enjoy the priv|ileges and advantages bestowed on the latter, but they failed to convince Alexander, who reme|mbered their efforts to prejudice him against the Jews, that they were of the same people. 'I|f you are indeed Jews,' he asked, 'how is it that you are not known by that name?' 'We are,|' they insisted, 'descendants of the Patriarch Jacob, and Israel's God is our God; but the Si|domites call us Samaritans, and we are also known to them by the name of Shechemites, after o|ur capital Shechem.'|Alexander was not satisfied with their answer, and told them that he could not recognize the|m as Jews, and to the Jews alone he had granted the privileges which the Samaritans sought t|o obtain. He asked them to leave the matter in abeyance till his return from the long journe|y he was about to undertake, and on his return he would thoroughly investigate their claim, a|nd then see that justice was done to them. The Samaritans were dissatisfied with Alexander'|s treatment of them, and they rebelled and burned the Governor Andromachus in his own palace|. Alexander's anger at this was very great; he returned, put to death the leaders, exiled a n|umber of Samaritans to Egypt, where they formed a colony in Thebais, and handed a large numbe|r of them over to the Jews as slaves, as a reward for their tried loyalty.|Alexander of Macedonia, be it remembered, was by no means a mere uncouth warrior whose knowle|dge did not extend beyond the narrow compass of the battlefield, for the vast dominion of ar|t and science was an open book to him. From his thirteenth to his eighteenth|p. 16|year he was a pupil of Aristotle, who guided him through all branches of wisdom and knowledge|, and inspired in him a love for Homer's works, which in fact he always carried with him. A|s a consequence, he naturally had a longing for intercourse with the educated and learned me|n of every place which he visited. Arrived in the South, his first step was to have the men d|istinguished for their wisdom brought before him. To them he put the following ten questions|: (1) Which is the longer distance--from the earth to the skies, or from the east of the worl|d to the west? Answer: The last-mentioned is the longer, because if the sun stands in the Eas|t or in the West, then he is perceived in the half of each sphere; but if he is in the centr|e of the sky, then he is not visible everywhere. Consequently he must be higher in the forme|r case than in the latter. (2) Which was created first--the heavens or the earth? Answer: Th|e Almighty clearly commenced His work with the heavens, for is it not said, 'In the beginnin|g God created the heavens and the earth'? (3) Who is truly wise? Answer: He who can foresee t|he result of his acts is truly a wise man. (4) Who is truly strong? Answer: Strength is in th|e possession of him who can overcome his passions. (5) Who can be considered truly rich? Answ|er: Truly rich is he who possesses contentment. (6) How can man acquire true life? Answer: Tr|ue life can be obtained by deadening one's passions. (7) What hastens man's death? Answer: In|dulgence in earthly pleasures. (8) How can man obtain the love of his fellow-men? Answer: B|y not seeking supremacy over them. Alexander felt himself hit by this answer, and said, 'I a|m not of your opinion in this respect. My idea is that, in order to obtain the love of one'|s fellow-man, one must acquire might and power, and use them with discretion.' (9) Which is t|he more agreeable abode--on land or water? Answer: Surely on land, because seafaring men ar|e not happy and contented|p. 17|till they reach land. (10) Who amongst you is considered the wisest? Answer: In this respec|t we are unable to give any one the preference, as you may have observed that our answers wer|e unanimous and simultaneous.|Alexander proceeded in argument with the wise men. 'Why,' he asked, 'are you so averse to hea|thenism, seeing that the heathens greatly outnumber you?' To which he received the reply tha|t it is just the multitude, the masses, who are apt to lose sight of truth, and it is only gi|ven to a comparative few to perceive and understand pure truth. 'But,' he continued, 'it is i|n my power to destroy the whole of you.' 'No doubt,' was the answer, 'you possess the power t|o do so, but we are not apprehensive on that point, having once received the promise of you|r protection.' He then consulted them concerning his projected journey to Africa. The wise me|n answered, 'That you cannot reach, as it lies beyond the dark mountains, which no human foo|t can traverse.' The king seemed to be piqued by this, and said, 'I do not ask you whethe|r I shall or can traverse those mountains. My mind is made up, and there is no resistance t|o my will. What I want to know is the best means known to man for undertaking this formidabl|e expedition.' The wise men advised him to the best of their knowledge. Part of their advic|e was to procure certain draught animals from Libya, which possess the faculty of seeing thei|r way in darkness. The king, having adopted all the necessary measures, started for Africa. H|e arrived at a place called the land of Amazon, whose inhabitants consisted only of women, t|o whom he sent a declaration of war. The women sent a message to him that a war with them cou|ld only be an inglorious one, inasmuch as if he were victorious a victory over women could no|t bring him either fame or honour; whereas if they should be victorious, that would surely br|ing disgrace upon him.|p. 18|The king saw the wisdom of their argument, and gave up the idea of war, but bade them suppl|y him with bread. The women brought him lumps of gold in the shape of loaves of bread. The ki|ng said in amazement 'Do you use this metal as bread?' They answered 'You surely have not com|e all this distance merely for bread; is there no bread in your own country?'|Alexander took his departure thence, but, before starting, he wrote on the gate of the city|: 'I, Alexander of Macedonia, was a simpleton until I arrived at this gate, where I learnt wi|sdom from women.' He next arrived at Katzia, where also he was met with presents of gold. '|I want no gold of yours,' said Alexander to the chief. 'And to what other purpose have you co|me all this great distance?' was the answer, given in the shape of a question. 'I have come,|' said Alexander, 'to become acquainted with your manners and customs, especially with your a|dministration of justice.'|A remarkable case of litigation happened to be in progress in the place at this time. A man w|ho had bought a house of another found in its precincts a treasure-trove, which he took bac|k to the seller, saying: 'This is yours; I bought the house only, and not what may be found i|n it.' The other, in refusing to accept the proffered treasure, argued that he sold the house|, and the buyer was the rightful owner of all that might be found in it. The judge gave his d|ecision that the son of the purchaser of the house should marry the daughter of the seller, a|nd the young couple should receive the treasure as a dowry. As Alexander expressed his wonde|r at and approval of the wise verdict, he was asked by the judge how a similar suit would b|e decided in his own country. 'In my country,' replied Alexander, 'the treasure would be take|n by the Crown, and both parties would be deterred by the threat of death from laying any cla|im to it.' 'How,' said the judge, 'have you also rain and sunshine in your|p. 19|country?' 'Surely,' replied Alexander. 'And you possess also animals and fowls?' 'Why not?' a|sked the Macedonian. 'Then,' remarked the judge, I must suppose that the purpose of the rai|n and sunshine in your land is to sustain those harmless creatures; for you, the human inhabi|tants, judging by your perverseness and injustice, are unworthy of such blessed gifts of natu|re.'|One day they arrived at a river, and as his servants were washing off the salt of the fish, w|hich they carried with them for their august master, in the water of the river, they saw tha|t life was returning to the fishes. When the marvellous event was reported to Alexander, he d|etermined to find the source of that river. He pursued his way, and at last found a gate, whe|re he demanded admittance. The answer he received to his demand was: 'This is the gate of th|e Lord; the righteous shall enter therein,' and he concluded that it must be the gate of Para|dise. As all his pleadings did not gain him admittance, he asked for some article from the pl|ace as a token of his having arrived there. A lump of gold in the shape of a human eye was ha|nded out to him, and on putting it in the scales to ascertain its remarkable weight, he foun|d that whatever weight he might put on the opposite scale, it would not turn the scale on whi|ch the golden eye was put. As soon as he met with the Rabbis again, he asked them to unriddl|e this remarkable thing. The Rabbis told him to put a little earth over the eye, and its weig|ht would vanish. They explained that the eye was a perfect type of the human eye, which, as t|he wise king tells us (Prov. 27.), is never satisfied, until a little earth is put over it (i|n death), and its everlasting hunger ceases. 1|p. 20|Alexander returned home from his great adventures through the wilderness and went to Egypt, w|here he built the city of Alexandria. He was anxious for the Jews, whom he held in high estee|m for their bravery and loyalty, to be among the settlers of the great city. Once, some Afric|an tribe and some descendants of Ishmael laid complaints before him against the Jews. The Afr|icans claimed the possession of Palestine, basing their claim on Numbers 34. 2 and on their b|eing descendants of Canaan; they maintained that they had an undisputed right to the countr|y of their ancestor. The sons of Ishmael, too, put in a claim to the possession of at leas|t a portion of Palestine, as the land was promised to their grandfather Abraham (Gen. 25. 13)|. And so the Egyptians bethought themselves of their claim against the Jews, and referred als|o to a Scriptural passage (Exod. 12. 36).|Alexander had the elders of the Jews summoned to him, and mentioned the claims of the respect|ive parties against them. The Jews selected one named Gebeha, son of Psisa, as their defender|. He faced the plaintiffs, and said: 'You have each based your claims on Scripture; I, too, w|ill plead against you out of the books of Moses, our lawgiver. Regarding the Canaanites, we h|ave it in Genesis 9. 25 that Canaan was cursed and was made a slave to his brothers. A slav|e can possess no property of his own. As to the demand of the Ishmaelites, we have it also o|n the same authority (Gen. 25. 5) that Abraham presented Isaac with all his possessions, an|d to the children of his concubines he made presents and sent them away from his son Isaac.|'Against the claims of the Egyptians, we have a huge counterclaim. The second book of Moses m|entions the|p. 21|time of the Jewish compulsory servitude in Egypt as 430 years. We are fully prepared to resto|re the value of what we carried away from Egypt, if the Egyptians will pay us the wages of 60|0,000 men, whom they compelled to work for them for the period mentioned.'|Alexander demanded a reply on the part of the three claimants against the Jewish arguments, w|ithin three days, if they did not wish to be punished for making fictitious claims.|Nothing more was heard of the claims. 1 The Jews rose in Alexander's esteem daily, and he gav|e them the most beautiful part of the city, on the banks of the river, as their quarter, an|d granted them the full rights of citizenship. The Jewish community increased greatly in weal|th and numbers. A year later, at the battle of Arbela, a town in Chaldea, Alexander entirel|y annihilated the Persian empire. After more wars and conquests, he died suddenly at the ag|e of thirty-three. His death was brought about as much by revelry as by his many cares and bo|dily exhaustion. Some of his generals contended for his throne; he was left unburied for som|e time, and eventually no royal burial was his portion. The Macedonian monarchy was divided a|mongst four of his generals.--Midr. Rabba Gen. 33; Lev. 27. and Tanchuma Emmor, etc.||Footnotes|14:1 See Rapoport's Erech Millin, page 73.|15:1 There is a difference in the dates mentioned in the Talmud. In Taanis it i|s stated as the 21st Kislev, and in Yoma 69 as the 28th of Tebeth.|19:1 This allegory was conspicuously applicable to Alexander's career and charact|er. However extensive were his conquests, he longed for more and was never satisfied, not eve|r after the p. 20 plundering of Asia, not after receiving, in consequence of his great conque|sts, the appellation of 'the great.' But with his death, his and his country's greatness ceas|ed, the monstrous possessions were cut up, and none of his kin ascended the throne.|21:1 Different dates are given for the above event. In Sanhed 91. it is given a|s the 24th of Nisson, and in Taanis as the 25th of Sivon.||Next: Demons |(http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/tmm/tmm03.htm)
deat: 10 Jun 0323 BC
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| | | Associates of King Alexander III of Philip II | | | | |
| | | birt: ABT 0356 BC
plac: Macedon
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | | | | | Darius II Nothos (Ochos) (Darayavahush) (Ochus) of Artaxerxes I of Xerxes I|King|Darius Nothus (Darius the Bastard)|King of Persia |
| | | | | | | | | birt: 0475 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)|Darius is the Latin form of Dareios, the Greek for of a Persian name, Darayavahash, which mea|nt roughly "To be Rich" from "daraymiy" (to hold) and "vahu" (well); Italian: Dario; Spanish|: Dario.|Royalty:|Darius I the Great (584 BC-486 BC) -- King of Persia.|Darius II Ochus (?-404 BC) -- King of Persia.|Darius III Codommanus (?-330 BC) -- King of Persia. Last king of the Achaemenid dynasty. Defe|ated by Alexander the Great.
deat: 0404 BC
plac: Babylon (Iraq) Ruled 0424 - 0404 BC|0336 BC
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| | | | | | | Oxanthres of Darius II of Artaxerxes I|Prince|Prince of Persia | | |
| | | | | | | birt: ABT 0450 BC
plac: Sogdia
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | | | | | Parysatis, daughter of Artaxerxes I of Xerxes I|Parysatis of Persia |
| | | | | | | | | birt: ABT 0475 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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| | | | | Roxanna (Roxane) (Roxana), daughter of Oxathres of Darius II|Princess | | |
| | | | | birt: ABT 0400 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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| | Hephaestion of Amyntor | | | | | | |
| birt: ABT 0357 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece
deat: 0324 BC
Drypetis, daughter of Darius III of Arsames
marr:
birt: ABT 0340 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
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