Teos (Tachos) (Irmaatenra Djeho) of Nectanebo I|Pharaoh


Associates of Teos I of Nectanebo I
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
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 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt 
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Thirtieth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 0380 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0343 BC
 Teos (Tachos) (Irmaatenra Djeho) of Nectanebo I|Pharaoh 
birt: Egypt
deat: 0360 BC
plac: Egypt Ruled 0362 - 0360 BC

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Source: Online Wikipedia Link; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_pharaohs http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teos_of_Egypt . Teos (Ancient Greek: Τέως) or Tachos (Ancient Greek: Τάχως), Egyptian Djedhor, was Pharaoh o f Egypt between the years of 362 to 360 BC; he had been co-regent with his father Nectaneb o I from about 365. Co-regent with his father Nectanebo I from about 365 BC. Was overthrown by Nectanebo II wit h the aid of Agesilaus II of Sparta. Ruled 0362 – 0360 BC Teos (Tachos)(Djeho) 365-360 B.C. 30th Dynasty Teos was the second ruler of the Thirtieth Dynasty and was the son of his predecessor, Nectan ebo I. After his father had died, Teos took over the throne and planned an attack on the Pers ians. He had the help of mercenaries from Greece, but his own generals disagreed with his lea dership and the entire event was a fiasco. He was deserted by both the Greeks and the Egyptia ns. He fled to Persia by way of Arabia and Artaxerxes II, the ruler of Persia, gave him refug e. He lived in Persia until his death. (http://www.touregypt.net/30dyn02.htm) Teos Teos (Irmaatenra Dhejo): pharaoh of Egypt, ruled 365-360. He is also called Tachos. In the fifth century BCE, Egypt had been part of the Persian empire, but it had regained it s independence in 404. In 373, a large-scale attack had been repelled by pharaoh Nectanebo I , and an age of national restoration had began. To some extent, this was possible because i n the second half of the 360s, the Persian empire had been divided (the so-called Satrap's re volt), and was unable to reconquer its lost territories. Nectanebo had even made plans for an attack on the Persian empire, where Phoenicia was a natu ral target. However, he was by now an old man, and he made his son Teos co-ruler (365). Lat e in 363, Nectanebo died. Teos continued the plan to attack Phoenicia. In the Spring of 360, everything that could hav e been prepared, was ready. For example, there were diplomatic contacts with the rebellious s atrap Orontes, a navy of 200 ships had been built, the Greek city of Athens had sent their ad miral Chabrias to support Egypt, the aged Spartan king Agesilaus was present as well, and coi ns had been minted (for the first time in Egypt's history). The campaign was financed from th e funds of the Egyptian temples, something that had caused some irritation among the priests , but was a normal thing to do. After the victory, the king would donate much gold and silve r to the temples. So Teos set out, leaving behind his brother Tjahapimu as governor of the country. However, wh en the expeditionary force had reached Phoenicia, news arrived that Tjahapimu had revolted an d had offered the throne to his son Nectanebo II, who was in the army of Teos as commander o f the Egyptian soldiers and besieging Syrian towns. The obvious cause of the insurrection was , of course, the discontent of the priests, but one may suspect that in fact the Persian kin g Artaxerxes II Mnemon offered money to Tjahapimu and Nectanebo. The Persian policy to divid e opponents is well-known from Greece. This marked the beginning of the end of the Persian expedition. Chabrias and the navy remaine d faithful to their king, but Agesilaus sided with Nectanebo. When Athens recalled Chabrias ( late Summer), Teos was left without support, and fled to the Persian court, where king Artaxe rxes granted him refuge. After all, he was still planning the reconquest of Egypt, and a form er king might come in handy. However, Artaxerxes died in the Winter of 359/358, and the nex t Persian offensive would take place in 351. By then, Teos was probably dead. (http://www.livius.org/te-tg/teos/teos.html)


Nectanebo II (Nakhthorhebe) of Tjahapimu of Nectanebo I|Pharaoh


Associates of Pharaoh Nectanebo II of Tjahapimu
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
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deat:
 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt 
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Thirtieth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 0380 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0343 BC
 Nectanebo II (Nakhthorhebe) of Tjahapimu of Nectanebo I|Pharaoh 
birt: Egypt
deat: 0343 BC
plac: Egypt Ruled 360 - 343 BC

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Source: Online Wikipedia Link; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_pharaohs http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nectanebo_II . Nectanebo II (Manetho's transcription of Egyptian Nakhthorheb[1][a] (Nḫht-Ḥr-Ḥbyt, "Strong i s Horus of Hebit"[2]), ruled in 360—342 BC[b]) was the third and last pharaoh of the Thirtiet h dynasty, as well as the last native ruler of Ancient Egypt.[3] Last native ruler of ancient Egypt[67] Ruled 360 – 343 BC Nectanebo II (Nectanebus)(Nekhthorhebe) 360-343 B.C. 30th Dynasty Nectanebo II was the third and final ruler of the Thirtieth Dynasty. He became king after Teo s' campaign into Persia which was a disaster. Teos had fled to Persia and Nectanebo returne d to Egypt as Pharaoh. Nectanebo ruled for eighteen years and built many monuments in Egypt . After the disaster with the Persians, he risked no further expeditions against the Syrian s or the Palestinians. However, the Persians did attempt to subdue Egypt and this time succee ded. Cyprus and Phoenicia were also fighting against the Persians and were assisted with som e troops from Nectanebo II. Artaxerxes III (Persian) destroyed these troops and moved agains t Egypt. This time the Nile flooding had already passed and the Persian attack was made muc h more wisely that the last attack (Nectanebo I). The attack was made at three different poin ts at the same time. Nectanebo II retreated to Memphis where he thought he would make a stan d against the Persians. But, as city after city fell, he gathered up as much of his possessio ns as he could and fled to Ethiopia. (http://www.touregypt.net/30dyn03.htm)


AKA (Artaxerxes IV) Arses of Artaxerxes III

 
 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Thirty-first Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 0343 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Artaxerxes III (Ochus) (Artakhshassa) ben Artaxerxes II of Darius II|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 0425 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: 0338 BC
plac: Persia (Iran) Ruled 0343-0338 BC
marr:
 Artexerxes IV (Arses) of Artaxerxes III of Artaxerxes II|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 0475 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0336 BC
plac: Persia (Iran) Ruled 0338-0336 BC
 
   Darius II Nothos (Ochos) (Darayavahush) (Ochus) of Artaxerxes I of Xerxes I|King|Darius Nothus (Darius the Bastard)|King of Persia
   birt: 0475 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)|Darius is the Latin form of Dareios, the Greek for of a Persian name, Darayavahash, which mea|nt roughly "To be Rich" from "daraymiy" (to hold) and "vahu" (well); Italian: Dario; Spanish|: Dario.|Royalty:|Darius I the Great (584 BC-486 BC) -- King of Persia.|Darius II Ochus (?-404 BC) -- King of Persia.|Darius III Codommanus (?-330 BC) -- King of Persia. Last king of the Achaemenid dynasty. Defe|ated by Alexander the Great.
deat: 0404 BC
plac: Babylon (Iraq) Ruled 0424 - 0404 BC|0336 BC
marr:
   Artaxerxes II Mnemon (Artakhshassa) of Darius II of Artaxerxes I|King|King of Persia 
   birt: 0456 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: 0359 BC/0358
marr:
 
    Parysatis, daughter of Artaxerxes I of Xerxes I|Parysatis of Persia
   birt: ABT 0475 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
marr:
  Atossa, daughter of Artaxerxes II of Darius II|Princess 
 birt: ABT 0425 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
  Stateira, daughter of Hydarnes 
 birt: ABT 0450 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 AKA (Artaxerxes IV) Arses of Artaxerxes III 
birt:
deat: DECEASED

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Associates of Nepherites II of Hakoris

 
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 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Twenty-ninth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 0399 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0380 BC
 Nepherites II (Nef'aurud II) of Hakoris|Pharaoh 
 birt: Egypt
deat: 0380 BC
plac: Egypt Ruled 0380 BC
 Associates of Nepherites II of Hakoris 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

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Associates of (Barsine) Stateira II of Darius III

 
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 Alexander III of Philip II of Amyntas III|King|King of Macedonia 
 birt: Jul 0356 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece|Alexander by Plutarch|75 AD|ALEXANDER|356-323 B.C.|by Plutarch|translated by John Dryden|ALEXANDER -|IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey w|as destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I were to bl|ame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen rather to epitomi|ze the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on every particular circ|umstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives.|...|(http://www.4literature.net/Plutarch/Alexander/)|Sacred Texts <../../index.htm> Judaism <../index.htm> Index Previous Next ||p. 8|ALEXANDER OF MACEDON|THE great conqueror Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who, at the instigation of t|he Persians, was assassinated by Pisanius, when yet a boy showed great thirst for conquest. W|hen he heard of his father's conquests he wept bitterly, complaining that by the time he assu|med the crown there would be so little for him to conquer. He was barely twenty years old whe|n he ascended the throne, but he knew well how to make his power felt. He soon conquered th|e Thracians, as well as the rebellious Thebans, and his heroic qualities developed so rapidl|y that he was appointed by the Greeks as military chief in their wars against the Persians. U|ninterrupted success followed his arms, and had he not died at a comparatively early age he w|ould probably have conquered what was then known as the whole world. His victory over the Per|sian General Memnon, on the river Granicus, in the North-West of Asia Minor, opened for him t|he road into the interior of further Asia. He was not slow to take advantage of the opportuni|ty, and pushed rapidly through the States of Asia Minor, through Lydia and Ionia to Pamphylia|. In the latter, near Issus, he gained a brilliant victory over Darius the Third, also know|n as Codomanus, who narrowly escaped death, leaving his mother, his wife and his children i|n the hands of the conqueror.|The Macedonian hero, with his troops intoxicated with victory after victory, now entered Syri|a, not so much in pursuit of Darius as with a view to extending|p. 9|his conquests. He took Damascus and Sidon, and attacked Tyre, so as to become master of the s|ea also.|That city, however, being very strongly fortified, and being on one side protected by the sea|, offered a stubborn resistance, and Alexander found himself compelled to embark on a long si|ege. In order to prevent any untoward event during the siege, Alexander was anxious to ensur|e immunity from the neighbouring State.|He therefore sent a message to Jerusalem, with a letter to the High Priest Jedua with the fol|lowing requests: (1) To supply him with troops; (2) to allow free traffic between the Macedon|ian army and Jerusalem; (3) to give him every possible assistance, such as had been granted t|o Darius. A hint was also thrown out that the High Priest would do well to consider whose fri|endship and goodwill was of greater value--that of the victor, or that of the vanquished.|The letter further expressed Alexander's anticipation of having these modest requests granted|, and assured the Jews that they would have no reason to regret compliance. The Jews could no|t but know that it would be greatly to their advantage to be on good terms with this famous h|ero, and that the beaten Persian could neither benefit nor injure them. Yet they did not fee|l justified in deserting the Persians. The High Priest therefore indited something like the f|ollowing answer:--|'Recognition and high esteem are undoubtedly due to so glorious a hero, yet for the present t|he Jews of Jerusalem cannot comply with his wishes, for these reasons: We Jews have promise|d our loyalty, on our oath, to Darius. So long as that Prince lives the oath has its force, a|nd the Jews could commit no sin so grievous as wilful perjury, seeing that one of their comma|ndments, with which God has entrusted them, is this: "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lor|d thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless|p. 10|that taketh His name in vain."' The High Priest moreover mentioned instances--such as Zedekia|h, the last King of Judah, who became disloyal to the Babylonian ruler, his former allegianc|e notwithstanding, and brought calamity upon himself and upon Judea. He further pointed out t|hat Moses' teaching tends to show that the God of Israel is a God of Truth, that treachery an|d untruth bring misfortune on those who practise them, and that it is incumbent on every tru|e adherent of the teaching of Moses to avoid all falsehood and duplicity. Alexander would per|haps have been satisfied with the explanation offered by the High Priest Jedua, had it not be|en for the Samaritans, who, whilst practising all sorts of idolatry, were at the same time an|xious to unite with the Jews, and to be considered as a portion of that body. When the Jews r|epudiated them, they sought to set up a temple of their own on the model of the Jerusalem Tem|ple. Menasseh, a brother of Jedua, formerly a priest, having married a Samaritan woman, the d|aughter of a Samaritan governor, was deprived of his office of priest in the temple, and wa|s naturally all the more anxious to set up an opposition temple, in which he could exercise h|is priestly function. The Samaritans therefore strained every nerve to excite Alexander's ill|will against the Jews, and to obtain his sanction for the erection of a temple on Mount Geriz|im.|Sanblat, the Governor of Samaria, and father-in-law of Menasseh, the expelled priest, sough|t audience of Alexander, and took the opportunity to give his version of the motives of Jedua|, the High Priest, in refusing Alexander's requests. He maintained that loyalty to Darius wa|s not the motive of the refusal, as the Jews, he said, knew nothing of loyalty, but, on the c|ontrary, would overthrow every throne not occupied by one of their own people if they had th|e power. He said that they were priest-ridden, and that if there were any who|p. 11|would join his (Alexander's) army, they dared not venture it, as that would exclude them fro|m participating in the Temple service, which to them meant moral death. If he (the Macedonian|) would only secure an alternative to the Jerusalem Temple by sanctioning the opposition Temp|le which the Samaritans were anxious to set up, this would bring large numbers from Jerusale|m to the new Temple; and the newcomers, no longer fearing exclusion from the Jerusalem servic|e, would gladly join with the Samaritans the banner of the great conqueror Alexander. It is p|erhaps not surprising that the Macedonian conqueror was much impressed with this plausible ve|rsion, especially when the Samaritans, as an earnest of their acceptance of and adhesion to t|he new state of affairs, deserted en masse the ranks of the crushed Darius, and went over t|o Alexander's army.|The desired permission for the building of the Gerizim Temple was granted, and the work was t|aken in band. Soon afterwards, however, the governor, who was a man of advanced age, died. Ty|re could no longer resist the severe siege, and, as predicted by the prophet (Is. 27), it cap|itulated. Indescribable slaughter and ravage took place within its walls; the town was laid i|n ruins, and its heroes were either slaughtered or taken as slaves.|Alexander now turned his attention to the punishment of the Jews, and started with his ever-v|ictorious army for Jerusalem. When the news of the approach of Alexander and his formidable a|rmy reached Jerusalem, there was consternation, and despair ruled supreme amongst the inhabit|ants, one and all. The Jews took refuge, as ever, in their religion; prayer, fasting, sackclo|th and ashes were the order of the day. Confession of sin and repentance were practised dail|y by almost every person. When Alexander was but about one day's distance from Jerusalem, th|e High Priest and Elders of the Temple had the streets of the|p. 12|city beautifully decorated, the public buildings as well as the private residences were magni|ficently adorned, and they ordered the inhabitants to form two lines in the streets--one oppo|site the other--the people to appear in their holiday attire. The gates of the city were bede|cked with garlands of the finest flowers, and triumphal arches were erected. The priests, th|e Levites and the Elders, at their head the venerable High Priest Jedua in full priestly robe|s, mitre, ephod and breastplate, made their way, towards evening, to the entrance of the city|, carrying torches and candles in their hands, and a light was thrown on the brilliant assemb|ly such as eclipsed the noonday brightness of a magnificent summer's day.|Soon after their arrival at the gate, Alexander, at the head of his army, made his appearance|. He was quite astonished at the sight that met his view, and seemed to be overwhelmed on beh|olding the grand and imposing assembly that came to meet him. When he saw the High Priest, wh|o looked even as an angel in his garments, Alexander dismounted, as though impelled by an ins|tinct, bowed himself reverently, and proclaimed aloud: 'Blessed be the God whose servant yo|u are.' His army, however, having anticipated plunder rather than the sight before them, coul|d ill conceal their bewilderment at the strange turn of affairs. They could hardly believe, o|n the evidence of their own senses, that their proud monarch should bend his head so humbly a|nd so reverently before the High Priest. One of Alexander's confidential and favourite office|rs, Parmenion by name, ventured at last to ask the King why he, the proud conqueror, showed s|uch marked honour and deference to the Jewish priest.|'Listen, then,' replied Alexander, 'and I will tell you of a wonderful experience of mine. Wh|ile I was still in Macedonia I often lay awake at night, when all else was at rest, thinkin|g of a plan by which to gain mastery|p. 13|of Asia. One evening, when my thoughts were more than usually occupied with this fond schem|e of mine, I fell, exhausted by this mental strain, into a deep slumber, and saw in a visio|n an awe-inspiring man standing before me. The very sight of him seemed to instil into me cou|rage and hope, and, as though reading my very thoughts, he advised me to cross the borders o|f Greece without further hesitation, and assured me of the success of my projected undertakin|g. That vision of mine was no myth, no nightmare, not the mere phantasy of a heated brain; fo|r not only have I, since that vision, never met with anything but victory, but in the hoar-he|aded and venerable servant of the Jewish God, in his attire and in his bearing, I see no othe|r than the man of my vision. Shall I not then revere the man who was the messenger of his Go|d to lead me to victory? I am equally convinced that my destiny is to overthrow Darius, and f|or that purpose I was called to undertake this venture, and the appearance of this holy man f|oretells complete success.' After this explanation, Alexander entered Jerusalem, accompanie|d by the Jewish dignitaries who came to meet him. He was welcomed and cheered throughout by t|he population of the city. His first request was to be taken to the Temple, where he anxiousl|y inquired concerning the ceremonies and sacrifices and the manner of the services.|His curiosity was gladly satisfied, and the High Priest directed his attention also to the pa|ssage in Daniel 8. 5, where it is foretold that a Greek ruler (which term the High Priest app|lied to Alexander) would overthrow the Persian kingdom, and Alexander was exceedingly please|d with all he saw and heard. The following day the Macedonian hero summoned all the priests a|nd elders, and asked them to tell him, without restraint and hesitation, what they wished o|f him as a token of his great satisfaction at the reception given him, and as a mark of his h|igh estimation of their|p. 14|services and organization. The High Priest, who was the spokesman, asked his Majesty to gran|t them the free and unhindered exercise of their religious rites, and to waive the payment o|f taxes in the Sabbatical year, when, according to the law of Moses, no agricultural pursuit|s were allowed, and consequently there was no revenue from their lands. This was at once gran|ted; but Alexander observed from Jedua's demeanour that there was some further favour he wish|ed to obtain, but that the good man was reluctant to name it. He therefore requested the Hig|h Priest to lay all his wishes before him. The High Priest then ventured to ask that the grea|t monarch might extend his permission regarding the exercise of the religious rites by his Je|wish subjects to all other parts of his wide dominions, such as Babylon and Media, and this w|as also cheerfully granted by the great Alexander. At the express wish of the Macedonian warr|ior, a large number of the most valiant of the Jewish community joined his army, and he gav|e them permission to follow their religious observances in the camp. As a further favour, Ale|xander requested that his likeness might be framed and placed in the Temple. It was pointed o|ut to him that the Jews were strictly forbidden to have pictures and likenesses of anything w|hatever in their places of worship, and, in lieu of this, it was suggested (1) that all mal|e children born in that year throughout Jerusalem should be named Alexander, and (2) that th|e Jews should adopt a new era called the Alexander Era. That era was to commence with Octobe|r 1 of the year 312 before the Christian era. This suggestion met with Alexander's approval|, and up to the eleventh century of the Christian era this method of reckoning the years wa|s actually in force, and was known as the Era of Documents. 1|With Alexander's entry into Jerusalem began a very|p. 15|considerable improvement in the condition of the Jews. 1 The Samaritans used every subterfug|e in order to be recognized as Jews by the Macedonian hero, so that they might enjoy the priv|ileges and advantages bestowed on the latter, but they failed to convince Alexander, who reme|mbered their efforts to prejudice him against the Jews, that they were of the same people. 'I|f you are indeed Jews,' he asked, 'how is it that you are not known by that name?' 'We are,|' they insisted, 'descendants of the Patriarch Jacob, and Israel's God is our God; but the Si|domites call us Samaritans, and we are also known to them by the name of Shechemites, after o|ur capital Shechem.'|Alexander was not satisfied with their answer, and told them that he could not recognize the|m as Jews, and to the Jews alone he had granted the privileges which the Samaritans sought t|o obtain. He asked them to leave the matter in abeyance till his return from the long journe|y he was about to undertake, and on his return he would thoroughly investigate their claim, a|nd then see that justice was done to them. The Samaritans were dissatisfied with Alexander'|s treatment of them, and they rebelled and burned the Governor Andromachus in his own palace|. Alexander's anger at this was very great; he returned, put to death the leaders, exiled a n|umber of Samaritans to Egypt, where they formed a colony in Thebais, and handed a large numbe|r of them over to the Jews as slaves, as a reward for their tried loyalty.|Alexander of Macedonia, be it remembered, was by no means a mere uncouth warrior whose knowle|dge did not extend beyond the narrow compass of the battlefield, for the vast dominion of ar|t and science was an open book to him. From his thirteenth to his eighteenth|p. 16|year he was a pupil of Aristotle, who guided him through all branches of wisdom and knowledge|, and inspired in him a love for Homer's works, which in fact he always carried with him. A|s a consequence, he naturally had a longing for intercourse with the educated and learned me|n of every place which he visited. Arrived in the South, his first step was to have the men d|istinguished for their wisdom brought before him. To them he put the following ten questions|: (1) Which is the longer distance--from the earth to the skies, or from the east of the worl|d to the west? Answer: The last-mentioned is the longer, because if the sun stands in the Eas|t or in the West, then he is perceived in the half of each sphere; but if he is in the centr|e of the sky, then he is not visible everywhere. Consequently he must be higher in the forme|r case than in the latter. (2) Which was created first--the heavens or the earth? Answer: Th|e Almighty clearly commenced His work with the heavens, for is it not said, 'In the beginnin|g God created the heavens and the earth'? (3) Who is truly wise? Answer: He who can foresee t|he result of his acts is truly a wise man. (4) Who is truly strong? Answer: Strength is in th|e possession of him who can overcome his passions. (5) Who can be considered truly rich? Answ|er: Truly rich is he who possesses contentment. (6) How can man acquire true life? Answer: Tr|ue life can be obtained by deadening one's passions. (7) What hastens man's death? Answer: In|dulgence in earthly pleasures. (8) How can man obtain the love of his fellow-men? Answer: B|y not seeking supremacy over them. Alexander felt himself hit by this answer, and said, 'I a|m not of your opinion in this respect. My idea is that, in order to obtain the love of one'|s fellow-man, one must acquire might and power, and use them with discretion.' (9) Which is t|he more agreeable abode--on land or water? Answer: Surely on land, because seafaring men ar|e not happy and contented|p. 17|till they reach land. (10) Who amongst you is considered the wisest? Answer: In this respec|t we are unable to give any one the preference, as you may have observed that our answers wer|e unanimous and simultaneous.|Alexander proceeded in argument with the wise men. 'Why,' he asked, 'are you so averse to hea|thenism, seeing that the heathens greatly outnumber you?' To which he received the reply tha|t it is just the multitude, the masses, who are apt to lose sight of truth, and it is only gi|ven to a comparative few to perceive and understand pure truth. 'But,' he continued, 'it is i|n my power to destroy the whole of you.' 'No doubt,' was the answer, 'you possess the power t|o do so, but we are not apprehensive on that point, having once received the promise of you|r protection.' He then consulted them concerning his projected journey to Africa. The wise me|n answered, 'That you cannot reach, as it lies beyond the dark mountains, which no human foo|t can traverse.' The king seemed to be piqued by this, and said, 'I do not ask you whethe|r I shall or can traverse those mountains. My mind is made up, and there is no resistance t|o my will. What I want to know is the best means known to man for undertaking this formidabl|e expedition.' The wise men advised him to the best of their knowledge. Part of their advic|e was to procure certain draught animals from Libya, which possess the faculty of seeing thei|r way in darkness. The king, having adopted all the necessary measures, started for Africa. H|e arrived at a place called the land of Amazon, whose inhabitants consisted only of women, t|o whom he sent a declaration of war. The women sent a message to him that a war with them cou|ld only be an inglorious one, inasmuch as if he were victorious a victory over women could no|t bring him either fame or honour; whereas if they should be victorious, that would surely br|ing disgrace upon him.|p. 18|The king saw the wisdom of their argument, and gave up the idea of war, but bade them suppl|y him with bread. The women brought him lumps of gold in the shape of loaves of bread. The ki|ng said in amazement 'Do you use this metal as bread?' They answered 'You surely have not com|e all this distance merely for bread; is there no bread in your own country?'|Alexander took his departure thence, but, before starting, he wrote on the gate of the city|: 'I, Alexander of Macedonia, was a simpleton until I arrived at this gate, where I learnt wi|sdom from women.' He next arrived at Katzia, where also he was met with presents of gold. '|I want no gold of yours,' said Alexander to the chief. 'And to what other purpose have you co|me all this great distance?' was the answer, given in the shape of a question. 'I have come,|' said Alexander, 'to become acquainted with your manners and customs, especially with your a|dministration of justice.'|A remarkable case of litigation happened to be in progress in the place at this time. A man w|ho had bought a house of another found in its precincts a treasure-trove, which he took bac|k to the seller, saying: 'This is yours; I bought the house only, and not what may be found i|n it.' The other, in refusing to accept the proffered treasure, argued that he sold the house|, and the buyer was the rightful owner of all that might be found in it. The judge gave his d|ecision that the son of the purchaser of the house should marry the daughter of the seller, a|nd the young couple should receive the treasure as a dowry. As Alexander expressed his wonde|r at and approval of the wise verdict, he was asked by the judge how a similar suit would b|e decided in his own country. 'In my country,' replied Alexander, 'the treasure would be take|n by the Crown, and both parties would be deterred by the threat of death from laying any cla|im to it.' 'How,' said the judge, 'have you also rain and sunshine in your|p. 19|country?' 'Surely,' replied Alexander. 'And you possess also animals and fowls?' 'Why not?' a|sked the Macedonian. 'Then,' remarked the judge, I must suppose that the purpose of the rai|n and sunshine in your land is to sustain those harmless creatures; for you, the human inhabi|tants, judging by your perverseness and injustice, are unworthy of such blessed gifts of natu|re.'|One day they arrived at a river, and as his servants were washing off the salt of the fish, w|hich they carried with them for their august master, in the water of the river, they saw tha|t life was returning to the fishes. When the marvellous event was reported to Alexander, he d|etermined to find the source of that river. He pursued his way, and at last found a gate, whe|re he demanded admittance. The answer he received to his demand was: 'This is the gate of th|e Lord; the righteous shall enter therein,' and he concluded that it must be the gate of Para|dise. As all his pleadings did not gain him admittance, he asked for some article from the pl|ace as a token of his having arrived there. A lump of gold in the shape of a human eye was ha|nded out to him, and on putting it in the scales to ascertain its remarkable weight, he foun|d that whatever weight he might put on the opposite scale, it would not turn the scale on whi|ch the golden eye was put. As soon as he met with the Rabbis again, he asked them to unriddl|e this remarkable thing. The Rabbis told him to put a little earth over the eye, and its weig|ht would vanish. They explained that the eye was a perfect type of the human eye, which, as t|he wise king tells us (Prov. 27.), is never satisfied, until a little earth is put over it (i|n death), and its everlasting hunger ceases. 1|p. 20|Alexander returned home from his great adventures through the wilderness and went to Egypt, w|here he built the city of Alexandria. He was anxious for the Jews, whom he held in high estee|m for their bravery and loyalty, to be among the settlers of the great city. Once, some Afric|an tribe and some descendants of Ishmael laid complaints before him against the Jews. The Afr|icans claimed the possession of Palestine, basing their claim on Numbers 34. 2 and on their b|eing descendants of Canaan; they maintained that they had an undisputed right to the countr|y of their ancestor. The sons of Ishmael, too, put in a claim to the possession of at leas|t a portion of Palestine, as the land was promised to their grandfather Abraham (Gen. 25. 13)|. And so the Egyptians bethought themselves of their claim against the Jews, and referred als|o to a Scriptural passage (Exod. 12. 36).|Alexander had the elders of the Jews summoned to him, and mentioned the claims of the respect|ive parties against them. The Jews selected one named Gebeha, son of Psisa, as their defender|. He faced the plaintiffs, and said: 'You have each based your claims on Scripture; I, too, w|ill plead against you out of the books of Moses, our lawgiver. Regarding the Canaanites, we h|ave it in Genesis 9. 25 that Canaan was cursed and was made a slave to his brothers. A slav|e can possess no property of his own. As to the demand of the Ishmaelites, we have it also o|n the same authority (Gen. 25. 5) that Abraham presented Isaac with all his possessions, an|d to the children of his concubines he made presents and sent them away from his son Isaac.|'Against the claims of the Egyptians, we have a huge counterclaim. The second book of Moses m|entions the|p. 21|time of the Jewish compulsory servitude in Egypt as 430 years. We are fully prepared to resto|re the value of what we carried away from Egypt, if the Egyptians will pay us the wages of 60|0,000 men, whom they compelled to work for them for the period mentioned.'|Alexander demanded a reply on the part of the three claimants against the Jewish arguments, w|ithin three days, if they did not wish to be punished for making fictitious claims.|Nothing more was heard of the claims. 1 The Jews rose in Alexander's esteem daily, and he gav|e them the most beautiful part of the city, on the banks of the river, as their quarter, an|d granted them the full rights of citizenship. The Jewish community increased greatly in weal|th and numbers. A year later, at the battle of Arbela, a town in Chaldea, Alexander entirel|y annihilated the Persian empire. After more wars and conquests, he died suddenly at the ag|e of thirty-three. His death was brought about as much by revelry as by his many cares and bo|dily exhaustion. Some of his generals contended for his throne; he was left unburied for som|e time, and eventually no royal burial was his portion. The Macedonian monarchy was divided a|mongst four of his generals.--Midr. Rabba Gen. 33; Lev. 27. and Tanchuma Emmor, etc.||Footnotes|14:1 See Rapoport's Erech Millin, page 73.|15:1 There is a difference in the dates mentioned in the Talmud. In Taanis it i|s stated as the 21st Kislev, and in Yoma 69 as the 28th of Tebeth.|19:1 This allegory was conspicuously applicable to Alexander's career and charact|er. However extensive were his conquests, he longed for more and was never satisfied, not eve|r after the p. 20 plundering of Asia, not after receiving, in consequence of his great conque|sts, the appellation of 'the great.' But with his death, his and his country's greatness ceas|ed, the monstrous possessions were cut up, and none of his kin ascended the throne.|21:1 Different dates are given for the above event. In Sanhed 91. it is given a|s the 24th of Nisson, and in Taanis as the 25th of Sivon.||Next: Demons |(http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/tmm/tmm03.htm)
deat: 10 Jun 0323 BC
marr:
marr:
 Associates of (Barsine) Stateira II of Darius III 
birt: ABT 0340 BC
plac: Macedonia, Greece
deat: DECEASED
 
  Alexander III of Philip II of Amyntas III|King|King of Macedonia
  birt: Jul 0356 BC
plac: Pella, Macedonia, Greece|Alexander by Plutarch|75 AD|ALEXANDER|356-323 B.C.|by Plutarch|translated by John Dryden|ALEXANDER -|IT being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom Pompey w|as destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I were to bl|ame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen rather to epitomi|ze the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on every particular circ|umstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to write histories, but lives.|...|(http://www.4literature.net/Plutarch/Alexander/)|Sacred Texts <../../index.htm> Judaism <../index.htm> Index Previous Next ||p. 8|ALEXANDER OF MACEDON|THE great conqueror Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who, at the instigation of t|he Persians, was assassinated by Pisanius, when yet a boy showed great thirst for conquest. W|hen he heard of his father's conquests he wept bitterly, complaining that by the time he assu|med the crown there would be so little for him to conquer. He was barely twenty years old whe|n he ascended the throne, but he knew well how to make his power felt. He soon conquered th|e Thracians, as well as the rebellious Thebans, and his heroic qualities developed so rapidl|y that he was appointed by the Greeks as military chief in their wars against the Persians. U|ninterrupted success followed his arms, and had he not died at a comparatively early age he w|ould probably have conquered what was then known as the whole world. His victory over the Per|sian General Memnon, on the river Granicus, in the North-West of Asia Minor, opened for him t|he road into the interior of further Asia. He was not slow to take advantage of the opportuni|ty, and pushed rapidly through the States of Asia Minor, through Lydia and Ionia to Pamphylia|. In the latter, near Issus, he gained a brilliant victory over Darius the Third, also know|n as Codomanus, who narrowly escaped death, leaving his mother, his wife and his children i|n the hands of the conqueror.|The Macedonian hero, with his troops intoxicated with victory after victory, now entered Syri|a, not so much in pursuit of Darius as with a view to extending|p. 9|his conquests. He took Damascus and Sidon, and attacked Tyre, so as to become master of the s|ea also.|That city, however, being very strongly fortified, and being on one side protected by the sea|, offered a stubborn resistance, and Alexander found himself compelled to embark on a long si|ege. In order to prevent any untoward event during the siege, Alexander was anxious to ensur|e immunity from the neighbouring State.|He therefore sent a message to Jerusalem, with a letter to the High Priest Jedua with the fol|lowing requests: (1) To supply him with troops; (2) to allow free traffic between the Macedon|ian army and Jerusalem; (3) to give him every possible assistance, such as had been granted t|o Darius. A hint was also thrown out that the High Priest would do well to consider whose fri|endship and goodwill was of greater value--that of the victor, or that of the vanquished.|The letter further expressed Alexander's anticipation of having these modest requests granted|, and assured the Jews that they would have no reason to regret compliance. The Jews could no|t but know that it would be greatly to their advantage to be on good terms with this famous h|ero, and that the beaten Persian could neither benefit nor injure them. Yet they did not fee|l justified in deserting the Persians. The High Priest therefore indited something like the f|ollowing answer:--|'Recognition and high esteem are undoubtedly due to so glorious a hero, yet for the present t|he Jews of Jerusalem cannot comply with his wishes, for these reasons: We Jews have promise|d our loyalty, on our oath, to Darius. So long as that Prince lives the oath has its force, a|nd the Jews could commit no sin so grievous as wilful perjury, seeing that one of their comma|ndments, with which God has entrusted them, is this: "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lor|d thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him guiltless|p. 10|that taketh His name in vain."' The High Priest moreover mentioned instances--such as Zedekia|h, the last King of Judah, who became disloyal to the Babylonian ruler, his former allegianc|e notwithstanding, and brought calamity upon himself and upon Judea. He further pointed out t|hat Moses' teaching tends to show that the God of Israel is a God of Truth, that treachery an|d untruth bring misfortune on those who practise them, and that it is incumbent on every tru|e adherent of the teaching of Moses to avoid all falsehood and duplicity. Alexander would per|haps have been satisfied with the explanation offered by the High Priest Jedua, had it not be|en for the Samaritans, who, whilst practising all sorts of idolatry, were at the same time an|xious to unite with the Jews, and to be considered as a portion of that body. When the Jews r|epudiated them, they sought to set up a temple of their own on the model of the Jerusalem Tem|ple. Menasseh, a brother of Jedua, formerly a priest, having married a Samaritan woman, the d|aughter of a Samaritan governor, was deprived of his office of priest in the temple, and wa|s naturally all the more anxious to set up an opposition temple, in which he could exercise h|is priestly function. The Samaritans therefore strained every nerve to excite Alexander's ill|will against the Jews, and to obtain his sanction for the erection of a temple on Mount Geriz|im.|Sanblat, the Governor of Samaria, and father-in-law of Menasseh, the expelled priest, sough|t audience of Alexander, and took the opportunity to give his version of the motives of Jedua|, the High Priest, in refusing Alexander's requests. He maintained that loyalty to Darius wa|s not the motive of the refusal, as the Jews, he said, knew nothing of loyalty, but, on the c|ontrary, would overthrow every throne not occupied by one of their own people if they had th|e power. He said that they were priest-ridden, and that if there were any who|p. 11|would join his (Alexander's) army, they dared not venture it, as that would exclude them fro|m participating in the Temple service, which to them meant moral death. If he (the Macedonian|) would only secure an alternative to the Jerusalem Temple by sanctioning the opposition Temp|le which the Samaritans were anxious to set up, this would bring large numbers from Jerusale|m to the new Temple; and the newcomers, no longer fearing exclusion from the Jerusalem servic|e, would gladly join with the Samaritans the banner of the great conqueror Alexander. It is p|erhaps not surprising that the Macedonian conqueror was much impressed with this plausible ve|rsion, especially when the Samaritans, as an earnest of their acceptance of and adhesion to t|he new state of affairs, deserted en masse the ranks of the crushed Darius, and went over t|o Alexander's army.|The desired permission for the building of the Gerizim Temple was granted, and the work was t|aken in band. Soon afterwards, however, the governor, who was a man of advanced age, died. Ty|re could no longer resist the severe siege, and, as predicted by the prophet (Is. 27), it cap|itulated. Indescribable slaughter and ravage took place within its walls; the town was laid i|n ruins, and its heroes were either slaughtered or taken as slaves.|Alexander now turned his attention to the punishment of the Jews, and started with his ever-v|ictorious army for Jerusalem. When the news of the approach of Alexander and his formidable a|rmy reached Jerusalem, there was consternation, and despair ruled supreme amongst the inhabit|ants, one and all. The Jews took refuge, as ever, in their religion; prayer, fasting, sackclo|th and ashes were the order of the day. Confession of sin and repentance were practised dail|y by almost every person. When Alexander was but about one day's distance from Jerusalem, th|e High Priest and Elders of the Temple had the streets of the|p. 12|city beautifully decorated, the public buildings as well as the private residences were magni|ficently adorned, and they ordered the inhabitants to form two lines in the streets--one oppo|site the other--the people to appear in their holiday attire. The gates of the city were bede|cked with garlands of the finest flowers, and triumphal arches were erected. The priests, th|e Levites and the Elders, at their head the venerable High Priest Jedua in full priestly robe|s, mitre, ephod and breastplate, made their way, towards evening, to the entrance of the city|, carrying torches and candles in their hands, and a light was thrown on the brilliant assemb|ly such as eclipsed the noonday brightness of a magnificent summer's day.|Soon after their arrival at the gate, Alexander, at the head of his army, made his appearance|. He was quite astonished at the sight that met his view, and seemed to be overwhelmed on beh|olding the grand and imposing assembly that came to meet him. When he saw the High Priest, wh|o looked even as an angel in his garments, Alexander dismounted, as though impelled by an ins|tinct, bowed himself reverently, and proclaimed aloud: 'Blessed be the God whose servant yo|u are.' His army, however, having anticipated plunder rather than the sight before them, coul|d ill conceal their bewilderment at the strange turn of affairs. They could hardly believe, o|n the evidence of their own senses, that their proud monarch should bend his head so humbly a|nd so reverently before the High Priest. One of Alexander's confidential and favourite office|rs, Parmenion by name, ventured at last to ask the King why he, the proud conqueror, showed s|uch marked honour and deference to the Jewish priest.|'Listen, then,' replied Alexander, 'and I will tell you of a wonderful experience of mine. Wh|ile I was still in Macedonia I often lay awake at night, when all else was at rest, thinkin|g of a plan by which to gain mastery|p. 13|of Asia. One evening, when my thoughts were more than usually occupied with this fond schem|e of mine, I fell, exhausted by this mental strain, into a deep slumber, and saw in a visio|n an awe-inspiring man standing before me. The very sight of him seemed to instil into me cou|rage and hope, and, as though reading my very thoughts, he advised me to cross the borders o|f Greece without further hesitation, and assured me of the success of my projected undertakin|g. That vision of mine was no myth, no nightmare, not the mere phantasy of a heated brain; fo|r not only have I, since that vision, never met with anything but victory, but in the hoar-he|aded and venerable servant of the Jewish God, in his attire and in his bearing, I see no othe|r than the man of my vision. Shall I not then revere the man who was the messenger of his Go|d to lead me to victory? I am equally convinced that my destiny is to overthrow Darius, and f|or that purpose I was called to undertake this venture, and the appearance of this holy man f|oretells complete success.' After this explanation, Alexander entered Jerusalem, accompanie|d by the Jewish dignitaries who came to meet him. He was welcomed and cheered throughout by t|he population of the city. His first request was to be taken to the Temple, where he anxiousl|y inquired concerning the ceremonies and sacrifices and the manner of the services.|His curiosity was gladly satisfied, and the High Priest directed his attention also to the pa|ssage in Daniel 8. 5, where it is foretold that a Greek ruler (which term the High Priest app|lied to Alexander) would overthrow the Persian kingdom, and Alexander was exceedingly please|d with all he saw and heard. The following day the Macedonian hero summoned all the priests a|nd elders, and asked them to tell him, without restraint and hesitation, what they wished o|f him as a token of his great satisfaction at the reception given him, and as a mark of his h|igh estimation of their|p. 14|services and organization. The High Priest, who was the spokesman, asked his Majesty to gran|t them the free and unhindered exercise of their religious rites, and to waive the payment o|f taxes in the Sabbatical year, when, according to the law of Moses, no agricultural pursuit|s were allowed, and consequently there was no revenue from their lands. This was at once gran|ted; but Alexander observed from Jedua's demeanour that there was some further favour he wish|ed to obtain, but that the good man was reluctant to name it. He therefore requested the Hig|h Priest to lay all his wishes before him. The High Priest then ventured to ask that the grea|t monarch might extend his permission regarding the exercise of the religious rites by his Je|wish subjects to all other parts of his wide dominions, such as Babylon and Media, and this w|as also cheerfully granted by the great Alexander. At the express wish of the Macedonian warr|ior, a large number of the most valiant of the Jewish community joined his army, and he gav|e them permission to follow their religious observances in the camp. As a further favour, Ale|xander requested that his likeness might be framed and placed in the Temple. It was pointed o|ut to him that the Jews were strictly forbidden to have pictures and likenesses of anything w|hatever in their places of worship, and, in lieu of this, it was suggested (1) that all mal|e children born in that year throughout Jerusalem should be named Alexander, and (2) that th|e Jews should adopt a new era called the Alexander Era. That era was to commence with Octobe|r 1 of the year 312 before the Christian era. This suggestion met with Alexander's approval|, and up to the eleventh century of the Christian era this method of reckoning the years wa|s actually in force, and was known as the Era of Documents. 1|With Alexander's entry into Jerusalem began a very|p. 15|considerable improvement in the condition of the Jews. 1 The Samaritans used every subterfug|e in order to be recognized as Jews by the Macedonian hero, so that they might enjoy the priv|ileges and advantages bestowed on the latter, but they failed to convince Alexander, who reme|mbered their efforts to prejudice him against the Jews, that they were of the same people. 'I|f you are indeed Jews,' he asked, 'how is it that you are not known by that name?' 'We are,|' they insisted, 'descendants of the Patriarch Jacob, and Israel's God is our God; but the Si|domites call us Samaritans, and we are also known to them by the name of Shechemites, after o|ur capital Shechem.'|Alexander was not satisfied with their answer, and told them that he could not recognize the|m as Jews, and to the Jews alone he had granted the privileges which the Samaritans sought t|o obtain. He asked them to leave the matter in abeyance till his return from the long journe|y he was about to undertake, and on his return he would thoroughly investigate their claim, a|nd then see that justice was done to them. The Samaritans were dissatisfied with Alexander'|s treatment of them, and they rebelled and burned the Governor Andromachus in his own palace|. Alexander's anger at this was very great; he returned, put to death the leaders, exiled a n|umber of Samaritans to Egypt, where they formed a colony in Thebais, and handed a large numbe|r of them over to the Jews as slaves, as a reward for their tried loyalty.|Alexander of Macedonia, be it remembered, was by no means a mere uncouth warrior whose knowle|dge did not extend beyond the narrow compass of the battlefield, for the vast dominion of ar|t and science was an open book to him. From his thirteenth to his eighteenth|p. 16|year he was a pupil of Aristotle, who guided him through all branches of wisdom and knowledge|, and inspired in him a love for Homer's works, which in fact he always carried with him. A|s a consequence, he naturally had a longing for intercourse with the educated and learned me|n of every place which he visited. Arrived in the South, his first step was to have the men d|istinguished for their wisdom brought before him. To them he put the following ten questions|: (1) Which is the longer distance--from the earth to the skies, or from the east of the worl|d to the west? Answer: The last-mentioned is the longer, because if the sun stands in the Eas|t or in the West, then he is perceived in the half of each sphere; but if he is in the centr|e of the sky, then he is not visible everywhere. Consequently he must be higher in the forme|r case than in the latter. (2) Which was created first--the heavens or the earth? Answer: Th|e Almighty clearly commenced His work with the heavens, for is it not said, 'In the beginnin|g God created the heavens and the earth'? (3) Who is truly wise? Answer: He who can foresee t|he result of his acts is truly a wise man. (4) Who is truly strong? Answer: Strength is in th|e possession of him who can overcome his passions. (5) Who can be considered truly rich? Answ|er: Truly rich is he who possesses contentment. (6) How can man acquire true life? Answer: Tr|ue life can be obtained by deadening one's passions. (7) What hastens man's death? Answer: In|dulgence in earthly pleasures. (8) How can man obtain the love of his fellow-men? Answer: B|y not seeking supremacy over them. Alexander felt himself hit by this answer, and said, 'I a|m not of your opinion in this respect. My idea is that, in order to obtain the love of one'|s fellow-man, one must acquire might and power, and use them with discretion.' (9) Which is t|he more agreeable abode--on land or water? Answer: Surely on land, because seafaring men ar|e not happy and contented|p. 17|till they reach land. (10) Who amongst you is considered the wisest? Answer: In this respec|t we are unable to give any one the preference, as you may have observed that our answers wer|e unanimous and simultaneous.|Alexander proceeded in argument with the wise men. 'Why,' he asked, 'are you so averse to hea|thenism, seeing that the heathens greatly outnumber you?' To which he received the reply tha|t it is just the multitude, the masses, who are apt to lose sight of truth, and it is only gi|ven to a comparative few to perceive and understand pure truth. 'But,' he continued, 'it is i|n my power to destroy the whole of you.' 'No doubt,' was the answer, 'you possess the power t|o do so, but we are not apprehensive on that point, having once received the promise of you|r protection.' He then consulted them concerning his projected journey to Africa. The wise me|n answered, 'That you cannot reach, as it lies beyond the dark mountains, which no human foo|t can traverse.' The king seemed to be piqued by this, and said, 'I do not ask you whethe|r I shall or can traverse those mountains. My mind is made up, and there is no resistance t|o my will. What I want to know is the best means known to man for undertaking this formidabl|e expedition.' The wise men advised him to the best of their knowledge. Part of their advic|e was to procure certain draught animals from Libya, which possess the faculty of seeing thei|r way in darkness. The king, having adopted all the necessary measures, started for Africa. H|e arrived at a place called the land of Amazon, whose inhabitants consisted only of women, t|o whom he sent a declaration of war. The women sent a message to him that a war with them cou|ld only be an inglorious one, inasmuch as if he were victorious a victory over women could no|t bring him either fame or honour; whereas if they should be victorious, that would surely br|ing disgrace upon him.|p. 18|The king saw the wisdom of their argument, and gave up the idea of war, but bade them suppl|y him with bread. The women brought him lumps of gold in the shape of loaves of bread. The ki|ng said in amazement 'Do you use this metal as bread?' They answered 'You surely have not com|e all this distance merely for bread; is there no bread in your own country?'|Alexander took his departure thence, but, before starting, he wrote on the gate of the city|: 'I, Alexander of Macedonia, was a simpleton until I arrived at this gate, where I learnt wi|sdom from women.' He next arrived at Katzia, where also he was met with presents of gold. '|I want no gold of yours,' said Alexander to the chief. 'And to what other purpose have you co|me all this great distance?' was the answer, given in the shape of a question. 'I have come,|' said Alexander, 'to become acquainted with your manners and customs, especially with your a|dministration of justice.'|A remarkable case of litigation happened to be in progress in the place at this time. A man w|ho had bought a house of another found in its precincts a treasure-trove, which he took bac|k to the seller, saying: 'This is yours; I bought the house only, and not what may be found i|n it.' The other, in refusing to accept the proffered treasure, argued that he sold the house|, and the buyer was the rightful owner of all that might be found in it. The judge gave his d|ecision that the son of the purchaser of the house should marry the daughter of the seller, a|nd the young couple should receive the treasure as a dowry. As Alexander expressed his wonde|r at and approval of the wise verdict, he was asked by the judge how a similar suit would b|e decided in his own country. 'In my country,' replied Alexander, 'the treasure would be take|n by the Crown, and both parties would be deterred by the threat of death from laying any cla|im to it.' 'How,' said the judge, 'have you also rain and sunshine in your|p. 19|country?' 'Surely,' replied Alexander. 'And you possess also animals and fowls?' 'Why not?' a|sked the Macedonian. 'Then,' remarked the judge, I must suppose that the purpose of the rai|n and sunshine in your land is to sustain those harmless creatures; for you, the human inhabi|tants, judging by your perverseness and injustice, are unworthy of such blessed gifts of natu|re.'|One day they arrived at a river, and as his servants were washing off the salt of the fish, w|hich they carried with them for their august master, in the water of the river, they saw tha|t life was returning to the fishes. When the marvellous event was reported to Alexander, he d|etermined to find the source of that river. He pursued his way, and at last found a gate, whe|re he demanded admittance. The answer he received to his demand was: 'This is the gate of th|e Lord; the righteous shall enter therein,' and he concluded that it must be the gate of Para|dise. As all his pleadings did not gain him admittance, he asked for some article from the pl|ace as a token of his having arrived there. A lump of gold in the shape of a human eye was ha|nded out to him, and on putting it in the scales to ascertain its remarkable weight, he foun|d that whatever weight he might put on the opposite scale, it would not turn the scale on whi|ch the golden eye was put. As soon as he met with the Rabbis again, he asked them to unriddl|e this remarkable thing. The Rabbis told him to put a little earth over the eye, and its weig|ht would vanish. They explained that the eye was a perfect type of the human eye, which, as t|he wise king tells us (Prov. 27.), is never satisfied, until a little earth is put over it (i|n death), and its everlasting hunger ceases. 1|p. 20|Alexander returned home from his great adventures through the wilderness and went to Egypt, w|here he built the city of Alexandria. He was anxious for the Jews, whom he held in high estee|m for their bravery and loyalty, to be among the settlers of the great city. Once, some Afric|an tribe and some descendants of Ishmael laid complaints before him against the Jews. The Afr|icans claimed the possession of Palestine, basing their claim on Numbers 34. 2 and on their b|eing descendants of Canaan; they maintained that they had an undisputed right to the countr|y of their ancestor. The sons of Ishmael, too, put in a claim to the possession of at leas|t a portion of Palestine, as the land was promised to their grandfather Abraham (Gen. 25. 13)|. And so the Egyptians bethought themselves of their claim against the Jews, and referred als|o to a Scriptural passage (Exod. 12. 36).|Alexander had the elders of the Jews summoned to him, and mentioned the claims of the respect|ive parties against them. The Jews selected one named Gebeha, son of Psisa, as their defender|. He faced the plaintiffs, and said: 'You have each based your claims on Scripture; I, too, w|ill plead against you out of the books of Moses, our lawgiver. Regarding the Canaanites, we h|ave it in Genesis 9. 25 that Canaan was cursed and was made a slave to his brothers. A slav|e can possess no property of his own. As to the demand of the Ishmaelites, we have it also o|n the same authority (Gen. 25. 5) that Abraham presented Isaac with all his possessions, an|d to the children of his concubines he made presents and sent them away from his son Isaac.|'Against the claims of the Egyptians, we have a huge counterclaim. The second book of Moses m|entions the|p. 21|time of the Jewish compulsory servitude in Egypt as 430 years. We are fully prepared to resto|re the value of what we carried away from Egypt, if the Egyptians will pay us the wages of 60|0,000 men, whom they compelled to work for them for the period mentioned.'|Alexander demanded a reply on the part of the three claimants against the Jewish arguments, w|ithin three days, if they did not wish to be punished for making fictitious claims.|Nothing more was heard of the claims. 1 The Jews rose in Alexander's esteem daily, and he gav|e them the most beautiful part of the city, on the banks of the river, as their quarter, an|d granted them the full rights of citizenship. The Jewish community increased greatly in weal|th and numbers. A year later, at the battle of Arbela, a town in Chaldea, Alexander entirel|y annihilated the Persian empire. After more wars and conquests, he died suddenly at the ag|e of thirty-three. His death was brought about as much by revelry as by his many cares and bo|dily exhaustion. Some of his generals contended for his throne; he was left unburied for som|e time, and eventually no royal burial was his portion. The Macedonian monarchy was divided a|mongst four of his generals.--Midr. Rabba Gen. 33; Lev. 27. and Tanchuma Emmor, etc.||Footnotes|14:1 See Rapoport's Erech Millin, page 73.|15:1 There is a difference in the dates mentioned in the Talmud. In Taanis it i|s stated as the 21st Kislev, and in Yoma 69 as the 28th of Tebeth.|19:1 This allegory was conspicuously applicable to Alexander's career and charact|er. However extensive were his conquests, he longed for more and was never satisfied, not eve|r after the p. 20 plundering of Asia, not after receiving, in consequence of his great conque|sts, the appellation of 'the great.' But with his death, his and his country's greatness ceas|ed, the monstrous possessions were cut up, and none of his kin ascended the throne.|21:1 Different dates are given for the above event. In Sanhed 91. it is given a|s the 24th of Nisson, and in Taanis as the 25th of Sivon.||Next: Demons |(http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/tmm/tmm03.htm)
deat: 10 Jun 0323 BC
marr:
marr:
  Associates of King Alexander III of Philip II 
  birt: ABT 0356 BC
plac: Macedon
deat: DECEASED
 
   Roxanna (Roxane) (Roxana), daughter of Oxathres of Darius II|Princess
  birt: ABT 0400 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
marr:
  Darius III Codomannus of Arsames of Ostanes|King 
  birt: ABT 0380 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)|Neh 12:22|The Levites in the days of Eliashib, Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua, [were] recorded chief o|f the fathers: also the priests, to the reign of Darius the Persian.
deat: 0332 BC
 Stateira II (Barsine), daughter of Darius III of Arsames 
birt: ABT 0340 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
 Stateira I, daughter of Arsames of Ostanes 
birt: ABT 0380 BC
plac: Persia (Iran)
deat: DECEASED

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Associates of Queen Ipwet of Unas

 
 List of Kings
 birt:
deat:
 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt 
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Sixth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 2323 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
 Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
 Associates of Queen Ipwet of Unas 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
  Neferefre (Raneferef) (Neferkhau) of Neferirkare of Userkaf|Pharaoh
  birt: ABT 2400 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2416 BC
  Djedkare (Izezi) (Dejedkhau Djedkara Isesi)|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2375 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2356 BC
marr:
  Unas (Wenis) (Wadjtowy)|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2323 BC
marr:
marr:
 
   Meresankh IV (wife of Djedkare)|Queen 
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
 Nebet (wife of Unas)|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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Seshseshet, daughter of Teti|Princess


Associates of Princess Seshseshet of Teti
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 List of Kings
 birt:
deat:
 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt 
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Sixth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 2323 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
 Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
 Seshseshet, daughter of Teti|Princess 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Mereruka (Vizier of Pharaoh Teti)
marr:
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
  Neferefre (Raneferef) (Neferkhau) of Neferirkare of Userkaf|Pharaoh
  birt: ABT 2400 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2416 BC
  Djedkare (Izezi) (Dejedkhau Djedkara Isesi)|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2375 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2356 BC
marr:
  Unas (Wenis) (Wadjtowy)|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2323 BC
marr:
marr:
 
   Meresankh IV (wife of Djedkare)|Queen 
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
 Nebet (wife of Unas)|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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Mereruka (Vizier of Pharaoh Teti)


Associates of Princess Seshseshet of Teti
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 Mereruka (Vizier of Pharaoh Teti) 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Seshseshet, daughter of Teti|Princess
marr:
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

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Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I)


< Merenre I (Nemtyemzaf) (Ankhkhau Merenre Antiemsaf) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
birt: ABT 2250 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2246 BC


< Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:

 
 Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I) 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC

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Ankhnesmeryre I (wife of Pepy I)

 
 Ankhnesmeryre I (wife of Pepy I) 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC

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Imtes'weret (wife of Pepi I of Teti)


AKA Pharaoh (Pepy I) (Fiops) Phiops of Teti
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC


AKA Pharaoh (Pepy I) Meryre of Teti
birt: ABT 0230 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC


Associates of Pharaoh Pepy I of Teti
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC

 
 Imtes'weret (wife of Pepi I of Teti) 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC

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Associates of Pharaoh Pepy I of Teti

 
 Pharaonic Rulers of Egypt
 birt: 2920 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 0332 BC
 Sixth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt 
 birt: 2323 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
 Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
 Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Djedkare (Izezi) (Dejedkhau Djedkara Isesi)|Pharaoh
   birt: ABT 2375 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2356 BC
marr:
   Unas (Wenis) (Wadjtowy)|Pharaoh 
   birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2323 BC
marr:
marr:
 
    Meresankh IV (wife of Djedkare)|Queen
   birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
  Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen 
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
  Nebet (wife of Unas)|Queen 
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Associates of Pharaoh Pepy I of Teti 
birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
 
 Imtes'weret (wife of Pepi I of Teti) 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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(Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen


< Merenre II (Nemtyemsaf) of Pepy II of Pepy I|Pharaoh
birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:


AKA Pharaoh (Pepy II) Neferkare of Pepy I
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC


AKA Queen (Nit) Neith I
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


< Neitaqerti (Nitocris) (Nitokris) of Pepy II of Pepy I|PharaohQueen
birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Abydos, Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:


Associates of Queen Nit
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


AKA Pharaoh (Pepy II) Phiops II of Pepy I
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC


Associates of Pharaoh Pepy II of Pepy I
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Netjerykara Ruler of Egypt|Pharaoh
birt: ABT 2200 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC

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Ankhnespepi (wife of Pepy II)|Queen


Neferkare III of Pepy II of Pepy I|Prince
birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 Ankhnespepi (wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC

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Wedjebten (wife of Pepy II)|Queen

 
 Wedjebten (wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt:
deat: DECEASED


Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC

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Ipuit II (Iput) daughter of Nemtyemsaf II|Queen


AKA Queen (Ipuit II) Iput II of Nemtyemsaf II
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Associates of Queen Ipuit of Nemtyemsaf II
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 Ipuit II (Iput) daughter of Nemtyemsaf II|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED


Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh
marr:
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC

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Associates of Pharaoh Pepy II of Pepy I

 
 Sixth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt
 birt: 2323 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
 Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
 Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Unas (Wenis) (Wadjtowy)|Pharaoh
   birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2323 BC
marr:
marr:
  Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen 
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
  Nebet (wife of Unas)|Queen
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
  Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I) 
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Associates of Pharaoh Pepy II of Pepy I 
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
 (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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Iput II of Merenre II of Pepy II|Queen


Associates of Iput II of Merenre
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

 
 Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh
 birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
 Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
  Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
  Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I) 
 birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Merenre II (Nemtyemsaf) of Pepy II of Pepy I|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
  (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
 birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Iput II of Merenre II of Pepy II|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
  Teti (Tety) (Seheteptowy)|Pharaoh
  birt: ABT 2350 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2291 BC
plac: murder
marr:
marr:
  Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Ipwet I (Iput I) of Unas|Queen
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
  Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I) 
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Neitaqerti (Nitocris) (Nitokris) of Pepy II of Pepy I|PharaohQueen 
birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Abydos, Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
 (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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Associates of Iput II of Merenre

 
 Associates of Iput II of Merenre 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
  Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh
  birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
  Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I)
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
  Merenre II (Nemtyemsaf) of Pepy II of Pepy I|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
   (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
  birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Iput II of Merenre II of Pepy II|Queen 
birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 
  Pepy I (Meryre) (Merytowy) of Teti|Pharaoh
  birt: ABT 2300 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2255 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
  Pepy II (Phiops II ) (Neferkare) (Netjerkhau) of Pepy I of Teti|Pharaoh 
  birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2152 BC
marr:
marr:
marr:
marr:
 
   Ankhnesmeryre II (wife of Pepy I)
  birt: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 Neitaqerti (Nitocris) (Nitokris) of Pepy II of Pepy I|PharaohQueen 
birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Abydos, Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:
 
 (Neith) Nit (wife of Pepy II)|(wife of Pepy II)|Queen 
birt: ABT 2225 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
marr:

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Merikara Ruler of Egypt|Pharaoh

 
 Seventh - Tenth Dynasty Pharaohs of Egypt
 birt: 2181 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: 2040 BC
 Akhtoy I (Meryibra)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2200 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 Akhtoy II (Nebkaura)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2175 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 Akhtoy III (Wahkare)|Pharaoh 
 birt: ABT 2150 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED
 Merikara Ruler of Egypt|Pharaoh 
birt: ABT 2100 BC
plac: Egypt
deat: DECEASED

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Notes:

om